Pol Pot, leder af Cambodias folkedrab, dør i søvne

Pol Pot, leder af Cambodias folkedrab, dør i søvne

Pol Pot, arkitekten på Cambodjas drabsmarker, dør af tilsyneladende naturlige årsager, mens han afsoner en livstidsdom, der blev idømt ham af hans egen Røde Khmer.

Røde Khmer, organiseret af Pol Pot i den cambodjanske jungle i 1960'erne, gik ind for en radikal kommunistisk revolution, der ville udslette vestlig indflydelse i Cambodja og oprette et udelukkende agrarisk samfund. I 1970, hjulpet af nordvietnamesiske og viet-Congs tropper, begyndte Røde Khmer-guerillaer en storstilet oprør mod cambodjanske regeringsstyrker og fik snart kontrol over næsten en tredjedel af landet.

I 1973 tvang hemmelige amerikanske bombninger af cambodjansk territorium kontrolleret af de vietnamesiske kommunister vietnameserne ud af landet og skabte et magtvakuum, der hurtigt blev fyldt af Pol Pots hurtigt voksende Khmer Rouge -bevægelse. I april 1975 erobrede Røde Khmer Phnom Penh, den cambodjanske hovedstad, styrtede pro-U.S. regime, og etablerede en ny regering, Kampuchean Folkerepublik.

Som den nye hersker i Cambodja gik Pol Pot i gang med at omdanne landet til sin vision om et landbrugsutopi. Byerne blev evakueret, fabrikker og skoler lukket, og valuta og privat ejendom blev afskaffet. Enhver, der menes at være en intellektuel, såsom en, der talte et fremmedsprog, blev straks dræbt. Faglærte arbejdere blev også dræbt, udover alle, der blev fanget i besiddelse af briller, et armbåndsur eller anden moderne teknologi. I tvungne marcher, der var præget af grusomheder fra Røde Khmer, blev de millioner, der ikke undslap Cambodja, samlet på landdistrikterne kollektive gårde.

Mellem 1975 og 1978 døde anslået to millioner cambodjanere ved henrettelse, tvangsarbejde og hungersnød. I 1978 invaderede vietnamesiske tropper Cambodja og indfangede Phnom Penh i begyndelsen af ​​1979. Der blev oprettet en moderat kommunistisk regering, og Pol Pot og Røde Khmer trak sig tilbage i junglen.

I 1985 trak Pol Pot sig officielt tilbage, men forblev den effektive leder af Khmer Rouge, som fortsatte sine guerillahandlinger mod regeringen i Phnom Penh. I 1997 blev han dog sat for retten af ​​organisationen, efter at en intern magtkamp havde fordraget ham fra sin lederposition. Pol Pot blev dømt til livsvarigt fængsel af en "folkedomstol", som kritikere hånet som en udstillingssag, og erklærede senere i et interview: "Min samvittighed er klar." Meget af det internationale samfund håbede, at hans fangere ville udlevere ham til at stå for retten for sine forbrydelser mod menneskeheden, men han døde af tilsyneladende naturlige årsager, mens han var i husarrest i 1998.


Cambodiansk folkemord: Overlevendes historier viser, hvordan retfærdighed kan vindes i kølvandet på selv de værste grusomheder

For tyve år siden, den 15. april 1998, døde Pol Pot, lederen af ​​Cambodjas folkedrab i slutningen af ​​1970'erne, i søvn i en alder af 73. Født Saloth Sar, blev Pol Pot aldrig holdt ansvarlig for de forbrydelser, der blev begået i løbet af de tre år, otte måneder og 20 dage udsatte hans Røde Khmer -regering den cambodjanske befolkning for en terrorperiode. Næsten 2 millioner mennesker, en fjerdedel af landets befolkning, omkom i løbet af denne tid på grund af sult, sygdom og henrettelse.

I jagten på sandhed og retfærdighed har mange cambodjanske overlevende henvist til den FN-assisterede domstol, der i øjeblikket er i gang i hovedstaden Phnom Penh. Retten blev indkaldt i 2006 og har dømt lederen af ​​det vigtigste Khmer Rouge -torturcenter til livsvarigt fængsel.

Nemndens anden retssag er ved at være afsluttet og forventes også at resultere i livstidsstraf for yderligere to højtstående Khmer Rouge -ledere. På det tidspunkt vil nævnet formentlig lukke sine døre, og de FN-udpegede dommere og advokater tager hjem. Nævnet er et klassisk eksempel på "retfærdighed forsinket er retfærdighed nægtet".

Anbefalede

I de sidste 30 år har jeg studeret de juridiske, politiske og litterære reaktioner på det cambodjanske folkemord. Det er de litterære svar - beretninger skrevet af overlevende selv - der viser, hvordan de ved at bryde deres tavshed og ved at tale på vegne af dem, der var i stand til at søge retfærdighed og helbredelse.

The Killing Fields

To vigtige tekster, Haing Ngor En cambodjansk Odyssey, udgivet i 1987 og Vann Nath’s Et cambodjansk fængselsportræt, der blev offentliggjort 11 år senere, afslører de ekstraordinære begivenheder, der førte til deres skrivning og offentliggørelse, samt forfatternes begrundelse for at registrere deres litterære vidnesbyrd.

Inden Røde Khmer overtog magten den 17. april 1975 var Haing Ngor en succesfuld gynækolog på en medicinsk klinik i Phnom Penh. Under folkedrabet blev Ngor anholdt og hårdt tortureret af Khmer Rouge ved tre separate lejligheder. Hver gang plejede Ngors kone Huoy ham tilbage til sundhed fra dødens rand. Ironisk nok, ved slutningen af ​​folkemordet, døde Huoy under fødslen, fordi Ngor manglede det enkle medicinske udstyr til at redde hende og deres første barn.

Cambodja konfronterer sin fortid, mens Røde Khmer -morderen afventer dom og#x27s dom

1 /6 Cambodja konfronterer sin fortid, da Khmer Rouge -morderen afventer dom og#x27s dom

Cambodja konfronterer sin fortid, mens Røde Khmer -morderen afventer dom og#x27s dom

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Cambodja konfronterer sin fortid, da Khmer Rouge -morderen afventer domstolens dom

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NIC DUNLOP/ PANOS/ Andrew Buncombe

Cambodja konfronterer sin fortid, da Khmer Rouge -morderen afventer domstolens dom

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Cambodja konfronterer sin fortid, da Khmer Rouge -morderen afventer domstolens dom

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Cambodja konfronterer sin fortid, mens Røde Khmer -morderen afventer dom og#x27s dom

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Cambodja konfronterer sin fortid, da Khmer Rouge -morderen afventer domstolens dom

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Ngor var i stand til at overleve folkedrabet. Han fik flygtningestatus af den amerikanske regering og bosatte sig i Long Beach, Californien, som har den største befolkning af cambodjanere i USA. Imidlertid blev han fortsat ramt af skyldfølelse over ikke at kunne redde Huoys liv.

I begyndelsen af ​​1980'erne blev den første film om det cambodjanske folkemord, "The Killing Fields", baseret på bogen af ​​New York Times krigskorrespondent Sydney Schanberg, der rapporterede om Vietnamkrigen fra Phnom Penh. Ved rollen som Dith Pran, Schanbergs cambodjanske oversætter, blev Ngor valgt ud af en mængde ved et cambodjansk bryllup i Los Angeles.

På trods af ingen tidligere skuespillererfaring vandt Ngor 1985 Academy Award for bedste birolle. Ngors umiddelbare berømmelse ved at vinde Oscar forvandlede ham fra en anonym overlevende til verdens mest fremtrædende vidne om det cambodjanske folkemord.

To år senere udgav Warner Books sit 500 sider lange litterære vidnesbyrd, En cambodjansk Odyssey, der beskriver ekstreme forhold under Røde Khmer og specifikt krøniker hans forhold til Huoy, fra de mødtes før 1975 til hendes tragiske død under folkemordet.

At vidne om Huoys meningsløse død var afgørende for Ngors helingsproces. Hans nyerhvervede status som en Oscar-vindende skuespiller gav ham platformen til at bekræfte sandheden om Khmer Rouges forbrydelser. Ved at identificere ofrene og gerningsmændene for folkemordet forsøgte han at opfylde sit ansvar over for Huoy og hans familiemedlemmer, der døde. I bogens indledning siger Ngor: “Jeg har været mange ting i livet: en læge ... en Hollywood -skuespiller. Men intet har formet mit liv så meget som at overleve Pol Pot -regimet. Jeg er en overlever af den cambodjanske holocaust. Det er den, jeg er. ”

Fængselsportræt

Den anden bog, der skal fremhæves, er Et cambodjansk fængselsportræt, skrevet af Vann Nath, en kunstmaler før overtagelsen af ​​Røde Khmerer i 1975. Under folkedrabet blev Nath anholdt og sendt til Tuol Sleng -fængslet, hvor cirka 15.000 mennesker blev tvunget til at tilstå falske forbrydelser under tortur og efterfølgende henrettet. Nath blev skånet for henrettelse i sidste øjeblik for at male portrætter af Pol Pot.

Inden for et år blev Røde Khmer -regimet fjernet fra magten af ​​vietnamesiske styrker, og Tuol Sleng blev omdannet til et museum for at vise verden de grusomheder, der fandt sted der under folkemordet. Da en af ​​kun syv fanger, der vides at have overlevet Tuol Sleng, blev Nath bedt om at male scenerne for tortur og henrettelse, som han havde været vidne til at blive vist på museet.

Anbefalede

Dybt traumatiseret af sit år i fangenskab ved Tuol Sleng, forsøgte Nath senere at genopbygge sit ødelagte liv og åbnede en lille kaffebar i Phnom Penhs centrum. To humanitære arbejdere, der besøgte kaffebaren, blev venner med Nath og overbeviste ham om at fortælle sin historie, hvilket resulterede i at man skrev og udgav Fængselsportræt, i 1998.

I 2009 tjente Nath også som hovedvidne ved den FN-assisterede domstol under retssagen mod Duch, Tuol Sleng-fængselschefen, der til sidst blev idømt livsvarigt fængsel. I lighed med Ngor opfyldte verden med forholdene i Tuol Sleng et dybt ansvar for at tale på vegne af dem, der led og døde under Khmer Rouge.

Ved at offentliggøre deres personlige konti, som jeg fandt i min forskning, forsøger overlevende at opfylde et dybt ansvar for at tale på vegne af dem, der døde. På den måde begynder de at hævde en vis kontrol over de traumatiske minder, der hjemsøger deres liv. Disse forfattere handler imod at glemme i håb om, at verden aldrig vil tillade en anden Pol Pot at forsøge at dæmpe folkets stemme.

George Chigas er universitetslektor i cambodjanske studier ved University of Massachusetts Lowell. Denne artikel blev først vist på The Conversation (theconversation.com)


DØDEN AF POL POT Pol Pot, brutal diktator, der tvang cambodjanere til at dræbe felter, dør ved 73

Pol Pot, der skabte i Cambodja et af det 20. århundredes mest brutale og radikale regimer, døde onsdag af hjertesvigt, ifølge hans cambodjanske fangevogtere. Han var 73 år gammel.

Pol Pot var allerede svækket af malaria og var blevet alvorligt syg i de seneste måneder, mens han var under husarrest af nogle af hans tidligere allierede. I de sidste to uger blev han omkranset af den cambodjanske regeringshær og var trukket tilbage længere ind i junglen. Hans kone sagde, at han døde i søvne.

Pol Pot udførte en terrorregel, der førte til døden for næsten en fjerdedel af Cambodjas syv millioner mennesker efter de mest accepterede skøn gennem henrettelse, tortur, sult og sygdom.

Hans smilende ansigt og stille måde troede på hans brutalitet. Han og hans indre kreds af revolutionærer vedtog en kommunisme baseret på maoisme og stalinisme og førte den derefter til ekstremer: De og deres Røde Khmer -bevægelse rev Cambodja fra hinanden i et forsøg på at ' ' rense ' ' landets agrariske samfund og gøre folk til revolutionære arbejderbønder.

Begyndende på dagen i 1975, hvor hans guerillahær marcherede stille ind i hovedstaden, Phnom Penh, tømte Pol Pot byerne, trak familier fra hinanden, afskaffede religion og lukkede skoler. Alle blev beordret til at arbejde, også børn. Røde Khmer forbød penge og lukkede alle markeder. Læger blev dræbt, ligesom de fleste mennesker med færdigheder og uddannelse, der truede regimet.

Røde Khmer forfulgte især medlemmer af minoritetsetniske grupper - kineserne, muslimske chams, vietnamesere og thailændere, der havde levet i generationer i landet og alle andre udlændinge - i et forsøg på at lave en ' ' ren ' &# x27 Cambodja. Ikke-cambodjanere blev forbudt at tale deres modersmål eller at vise alle ' ɿoreign ' ' træk. Pogromen mod Cham -mindretallet var den mest ødelæggende og dræbte mere end halvdelen af ​​dette samfund.

Attentat, han beordrede, bliver hans fortrydelse

Selvom Pol Pot var ansvarlig for et utalligt antal dødsfald, stod han aldrig tiltalt før i juli 1997, da nogle af hans tidligere Røde Khmer -tilhængere vendte sig mod ham, fordømte ham for forbrydelser mod menneskeheden i en omhyggeligt udstillet retssag og satte ham i husarrest for livet.

Pol Pot havde pådraget sig sine tidligere allieredes vrede ved at beordre mordet på en politisk medarbejder. I et mønster, han etablerede, da han var ved magten, bebrejdede Pol Pot Son Sen for hans falmende greb om bevægelsen. Han beordrede ikke kun Son Sen dræbt, men fortalte også tilhængere at henrette mere end et dusin af hans slægtninge, herunder børnebørn.

I et magasininterview i oktober 1997 udtrykte den sygelige eks-diktator beklagelse over hans rivaliserende families død: ' ɽu ved, for de andre mennesker, babyerne, de unge, havde jeg ikke beordret dem til at blive dræbt. ' '

Interviewet, med Nate Thayer for Far Eastern Economic Review, skildrede en mand, der bukkede for en alder, kede sig og var optaget af sine smerter, men fri for anger. ' 'Jeg kom for at føre kampen, ikke for at dræbe mennesker, ' ' fortalte han sin spørger. ' ' Selv nu, og du kan se på mig: er jeg en vild person? ' '

Mange eksperter i Sydøstasien såvel som de cambodjanere, der udholdt hans styre, ville svare ham med en rungende ' 'Ja. ' '

Men Pol Pot erkendte, at ' ' vores bevægelse begik fejl, og#x27 ' insisterede på, at han havde beordret drab i selvforsvar, for at redde Cambodja fra dets vietnamesiske fjender, og at antallet af døde var voldsomt overdrevet.

Endnu i dag bryder hans arv landet med fortsat vold, politiske fejder, korruption og social skrøbelighed.

Pol Pol 's hær erobrede hovedstaden den 17. april 1975 efter en ødelæggende femårig borgerkrig. Under det smed USA flere bomber på Cambodja i sin kampagne mod Pol Pot, end det havde udløst på Japan under Anden Verdenskrig. Efter det, med betagende fart, beordrede Pol Pot og hans sortklædte følgere straks trætte cambodjanere til at forlade deres hjem på landet og begynde livet i ' 'År Zero. ' ' Efter tre års terror var han drevet fra magten i 1979 af en invasion fra nabolandet Vietnam.

Fra da af brugte Pol Pot den kolde krigs geopolitik til sin fordel og overbeviste det meste af Asien og den ikke-kommunistiske verden om, at hans Røde Khmer-regering ulovligt blev smidt ud af Vietnam. Hans eksilregering beholdt den politiske anerkendelse af USA og store dele af verden gennem 1980'erne, mens vietnamesisk besatte Cambodja blev udsat for hårde internationale sanktioner.

Indtil tilgangen til internationalt overvågede valg i 1992 indtog Røde Khmerer Cambodjas plads ved FN og indtog den ledende rolle i agenturer som Unesco.

Pol Pot var en af ​​de mest hemmelighedsfulde af nationale ledere. Hans intetsigende ansigt og utrusende måde, hans selvudslettelse, hans sjældne og slidte offentlige udtalelser og sit liv i skjul-selv i hans år med absolut magt-var nogle af hans vigtigste taktikker i at holde sine rivaler ude af balance og hans hold over hans tilhængere.

Der var lidt tydeligt i Pol Pot 's baggrund for at foreslå noget personligt drama. Siden hans barndom var de sætninger, der blev brugt til at beskrive ham, uinspirerende: høflig, middelmådig, blød talt, tålmodig, endda genert.

Alligevel beskrev folk, der kendte ham, ham som varm og betryggende, især i små grupper.

En interviewer beskriver hans personlige appel

En af de få vestlige journalister, der interviewede ham, Elizabeth Becker, nu redaktør på The New York Times, beskrev sin personlige appel i sin bog ' 'When the War was Over ' ' (Simon & Schuster, 1986).

Han var faktisk elegant med et behageligt ansigt, ikke smukt, men attraktivt, og hun skrev. Hans funktioner var sarte og opmærksomme og hans smil var næsten kærligt. Der var ikke tale om hans appel. Fysisk havde han et stærkt, behageligt udseende. Hans gestus og måde var poleret, ikke grov. ' '

I et timelangt interview, hun havde med Pol Pot, bare uger før hans fald, rasede han mod Vietnam, men hævede aldrig stemmen, skrev fru Becker. ' 'Nærmest nikkede han let med hovedet eller slog med sit fine håndled for at understrege, ' ' tilføjede hun.

Pol Pot var mindre komfortabel og afslørende på en større arena, og lavede få offentlige optrædener, selv når han var ved magten, skjulte hans identitet, skiftede boliger og advarede om forræderi fra hvert kvartal. Da han havde en mavesygdom, sagde han, at hans kokke forsøgte at forgifte ham. Da strømmen i hans bolig mislykkedes, fik han vedligeholdelsesarbejderne dræbt.

Denne frygt for forræderi - fra fremmede nationer eller ved giftige ' ' mikrober ' ' i sin egen organisation - motiverede meget af hans adfærd, fra hans hemmelighedsfuldhed til de blodige udrensninger, der begyndte at forbruge hans revolution begyndende i 1977.

I en tale til en festkader i 1976 sagde han: ' 'Vi søger efter mikroberne i partiet uden held, at de er begravet. Efterhånden som vores socialistiske revolution skrider frem, men siver ind i hvert hjørne af partiet, hæren og blandt folket, kan vi lokalisere de grimme mikrober.

Pol Pot omgav sig med mænd fra hans tidlige år, dem, der oprindeligt sluttede sig til de vietnamesisk dominerede kommunister eller andre med tættere rødder til thailandske kommunister, herunder Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan og Son Sen. Men han havde den form for absolut magt, som Stalin havde i Sovjetunionen.

Som revolutionær tog han navnet Pol Pot, som ikke har nogen særlig betydning. Han blev født Saloth Sar i 1925, i en landsby nær Kompong Thom, 90 miles nord for Phnom Penh, den ottende af ni børn af en jordbesiddende landmand ved navn Pen Saloth og hans kone, Nok Sem.

En student i Paris gør rabiat kommunist

I en alder af 6 blev han, ligesom mange cambodjanske børn, sendt til at bo hos mere velstående slægtninge - i hans tilfælde en bror, der arbejdede i Phnom Penh som fuldmægtig på det kongelige palads og en fætter, der var danser der i Royal Ballet.

Kort efter sin ankomst tilbragte han flere måneder i et buddhistisk kloster, en meget kortere eksponering for buddhistisk undervisning end det var almindeligt i Cambodja, hvor mest skolegang blev udført af munke.

Han gennemførte folkeskolen, men bestod ikke i eksamen for at komme ind på gymnasiet og studerede tømrerarbejde på en handelsskole.

I 20'erne modtog han et regeringsstipendium til at studere radioteknologi i Frankrig, hvor han tilbragte tre år og blev involveret i kommunistiske aktiviteter på et tidspunkt, hvor det franske parti var domineret af stalinister. Det var der, han begyndte sin lange tilknytning til Mr. Son Sen, Ieng Sary og andre, der blev medlemmer af hans indre kreds.

Det var også der, han mødte sin kommende kone, Khieu Ponnary, en skolelærer flere år ældre, hvis søster var gift med hr. Ieng Sary.

Pol Pot hævdede at have været en god studerende, da han først ankom til Paris. Senere sluttede jeg mig til den progressive studenterbevægelse, og han fortalte Vietnam News Agency i 1976. Da jeg brugte mere af min tid på radikale aktiviteter, deltog jeg ikke i mange klasser. &# x27 '

Andre sagde, at han havde brugt meget af sin tid på at læse fransk poesi, og i 1950 arbejdede han en måned på et motorvejsprojekt i Jugoslavien.

Mens han var i Paris, udgav han sin første traktat, et angreb på den cambodjanske kongelige. Det var kongen, Norodom Sihanouk, der kaldte denne bevægelse for Khmer Rouge eller røde cambodjanere.

Til sidst annullerede den unge konges konservative regering, som var under fransk kolonistyre, sit stipendium, og han vendte hjem, hvor han dedikerede sig til den underjordiske kommunistiske bevægelse.

I 1954 ved Genèvekonventionen blev Vietnam delt i det kommunistiske nord og ikke-kommunistiske syd, og Cambodja blev uafhængig. I håb om at forblive ved magten degraderede kong Sihanouk sig til Prince og førte sit eget politiske parti til sejr ved de første valg. Han blev straks gjort til statsoverhoved.

I 1956, mens han fortsatte sine underjordiske aktiviteter, giftede Pol Pot sig med Khieu Ponnary og blev lærer i fransk, historie, geografi og borgerlivet på et privat gymnasium.

Stiger til toppen af ​​den fest, han grundlagde

I 1960, i et afviklet hjørne af Phnom Penh-jernbanegården, mødtes Pol Pot i hemmelighed med andre cambodjanske kommunister og hjalp med at oprette Cambodjas eget kommunistparti, Khmer Workers Party, adskilt fra det gamle vietnamesisk-dominerede Indokinesisk kommunistparti. Inden for to år steg han til at være dens leder.

I frygt for anholdelse flygtede han i 1963 til Vietnam sammen med Ieng Sary og Son Sen, og levede i det næste årti i skjul, et mønster, der holdt i det meste af hans liv.

Ved at besøge Kina på tærsklen til den kulturelle revolution, observerede Pol Pot mange af de mønstre, han senere indførte i sit eget land, fra revolutionær teori til de bløde kinesiske hatte, der blev vedtaget af Khmer Rouge.

Den udvidede krig i Vietnam satte gang i den kommunistiske bevægelse i Cambodja, og efter en bondeopstand i Battambang -provinsen i 1967 begyndte Pol Pot sit skridt ind i væbnet oprør. I 1970 havde han 3.000 krigere under våben.

I årevis brugte de vietnamesiske kommunister Cambodja til at købe ris, til at transportere våben og til at kanalisere soldater fra Nordvietnam til syd langs Ho Chi Minh -stien. Prins Sihanouk og hans regering - der havde til hensigt at komme sammen med de vietnamesiske kommunister, som prinsen mente sandsynligvis ville vinde krigen - protesterede aldrig mod indtrængen.

Han protesterede heller ikke, da amerikanerne begyndte at bombe formodede vietnamesiske stillinger i det østlige Cambodja. Bombningen tvang vietnameserne til at bevæge sig dybere ind i Cambodja, og Røde Khmer spredte sig med dem.

Prins Sihanouk blev kritiseret, især af den cambodjanske hær, for at have spillet begge sider af Vietnamkrigen. I marts 1970 afsatte nationalforsamlingen ham, mens han var i udlandet og erstattede ham med proamerikanske embedsmænd under ledelse af hans tidligere loyale premierminister, general Lon Nol.

Rasende gik prinsen sammen med Røde Khmer og snart blev Cambodja styrtet ind i Vietnamkrigen. Inden for få måneder kontrollerede de vietnamesiske kommunister og deres Røde Khmer -allierede store områder af landet.

I 1973, efter at USA havde underskrevet Paris-fredsaftalerne med de vietnamesiske kommunister, faldt amerikanske B-52 ''er enorme mængder bomber på formodede Khmer-positioner i Cambodja for at forsøge at forhindre en kommunistisk sejr der. Phnom Penh blev et opsvulmet flygtningecenter, og mange fordrevne eller vrede landsbyboere flokkedes for at slutte sig til Røde Khmer -hæren. På tidspunktet for sin sejr i 1975 var hæren vokset til en styrke på 70.000, en vækst hjulpet af prestige hos prins Sihanouk, som i en af ​​sine mange politiske hårnålesving blev titulær præsident for bevægelsen.

Hårdere, mere disciplineret og mere brutal end de amerikanskstøttede styrker af general Lon Nol, erobrede Røde Khmer Phnom Penh to uger før kommunisterne indtog Saigon, med Pol Pot som en førende kommandør og politisk strateg.

Da Pol Pot selv kom ind i byen, den 23. april 1975, 12 år efter at han var flygtet ind i junglerne, var hovedstaden tavs og øde.

Allerede fra starten skubbede hans tropper radikale planer om at vende nationen på hovedet.

Alle - de ældre, de blinde, de syge, selv spædbørn - blev med det samme beordret til at vende tilbage til landsbyerne. Sovjetisk Gulag. Omkring 20.000 sygehuspatienter blev tvunget til at flytte ud, nogle på seng med hjul. Titusinder af mennesker døde af sult og sygdom i de første uger af revolutionens sejr.

Mange andre blev dræbt direkte: soldater fra den besejrede hær, bureaukrater, købmænd, ' 'parasitter, ' ' ' ' intellektuelle. ' '

I sin sejrtale hævdede Pol Pot, at hans kommunister ville bygge et revolutionært samfund og blive et velstående land med et avanceret landbrug og industri ' ', så ' ' vores menneskers levestandard vil være hurtigt forbedret. ' '

Til det formål gjorde Pot Pot Cambodja til et af de mest isolerede lande i verden og lukkede dets grænser og begrænsede alle undtagen meget få udenlandske diplomater til deres chancerier i et uhyggeligt stille Phnom Penh. Prins Sihanouk, den første præsident, var begrænset til sit palads og derefter til et gæstehus.

I mellemtiden ødelagde det radikale eksperiment landet. Slavearbejderne producerede ikke den nødvendige mad. Uden eksterne kontakter var landets aktier ved at være opbrugt. De enorme offentlige arbejder projekter, især inden for kunstvanding, blev skramlet fremstillet og faldt fra hinanden.

Nummerering af de døde i millioner

Men Pol Pot nægtede at tro, at hans revolution var skylden. Han ledte efter syndebukke: først cambodjanerne loyale over for det gamle styre, derefter kommunistiske ledere i udvalgte regioner i landet, derefter centrale kommunistiske ledere tæt på ham. Disse formodede ' ' fjender ' ' blev anholdt og ført til sikkerhedscentre, herunder Tuol Sleng i Phnom Penh, hvor de blev tortureret for at tilstå forestillede forbrydelser og derefter dræbt.

Pol Pot beordrede død af sine nærmeste kammerater, da vietnameserne invaderede landet.

På grund af landets lukkede natur forblev det uklart for udenforstående, hvad der skete, og rapporter fra flygtninge om rædslerne i Demokratiske Kampuchea blev ofte mødt med vantro.

Det fulde billede dukkede først op i 1979, da de vietnamesiske erobrere i Cambodja tillod udlændinge, og hundredtusinder af syge og sultende flygtninge strømmede ind i Thailand.

I navnet på en radikal utopi havde Røde Khmer -regimet gjort de fleste mennesker til slaver. Ægtemænd blev adskilt fra koner, forældre fra børn. Ferie, musik, romantik og underholdning blev forbudt. Diktatoriske landsbyledere og soldater fortalte folk, hvem de skulle gifte sig med, og hvordan de skulle leve, og dem, der var ulydige, blev dræbt. Børn informerede om deres forældre mange andre unge, der ikke bøjede sig til den politiske mani, blev begravet levende eller kastet i luften og spydt på bajonetter. Nogle blev fodret med krokodiller.

Religion og bøn blev forbudt. Buddhistiske munke blev myrdet, og templer blev raseret.

Kommunale arbejdsbrigader blev dannet til gård, rydde skove og grave kanaler. Næsten alt arbejdet blev udført i hånden, uden maskiner, og folk blev tvunget til at arbejde fra daggry til sent på natten.

Tusinder døde af fejlernæring, tusinder af overarbejde.

Tusinder blev fængslet for at blive tortureret og dø. De omhyggelige optegnelser, som Røde Khmer førte om de mennesker, de torturerede ihjel, viste sig at være blandt de mest værdifulde dokumenter, der fastslog deres forbrydelser.

Men frem for alt var massegravene og drabsmarkerne afdækket efter Røde Khmer -nederlaget.

Vietnam sætter en stopper for det frygtelige

I stedet for utopi havde Røde Khmer bragt ruin.

Regimets undergang kom, efter at Pol Pot angreb Vietnam og forsøgte at erobre territorium langs grænsen. Den 25. december 1978 krydsede vietnamesiske tropper grænsen i styrke, og snart var der 200.000 vietnamesere inde i Cambodja. Inden for to uger besatte de Phnom Penh og store dele af resten af ​​Cambodja og styrtede Pol Pot.

I de følgende år fortsatte kampen om kontrollen med Cambodja, hvor Kina og Thailand gav Pol Pot og hans kreds tilflugt, lægehjælp og militær støtte i et spil anti-vietnamesisk og antisovjetisk geopolitik.

I en tydelig indsats for at forbedre deres image og bevare deres plads i De Forenede Nationer meddelte Røde Khmerer i 1980, at de ikke længere var kommunistiske og nu begunstigede demokrati, religiøs tolerance og frit foretagende.

I årenes løb blev der offentliggjort yderligere meddelelser om, at Pol Pot havde trukket sig fra forskellige stillinger, der kulminerede i 1985 med en, der sagde, at han var trukket tilbage som militærkommandør. Få troede på disse erklæringer.

Efter at en omfattende fredsforligsordning for Cambodiansk valg blev underskrevet i Paris i 1991, ophørte Thailand med at anerkende demokratiske Kampuchea eller give tilflugt til Pol Pot og hans følge. Han menes at have gået dengang til at bo i et junglehovedkvarter i Cambodja, før han for nylig blev styrtet af sine tidligere tilhængere.

Tidligere blev Pol Pot 's kone indlagt på hospitalet i Beijing med et nervøst sammenbrud, og med hendes tilladelse giftede han sig igen i 1987 og fik en datter med sin anden kone.

Hans hærdede hær, stadig i deres sorte tøj og sandaler, faldt efter FN's fredsplan, hvor tusinder af soldater og deres familier forlod bjergets højborg for tilbud om amnesti fra regeringen og en chance for at leve normale liv. På tidspunktet for Pol Pot's død var de røde khmerer kun nummereret i hundredvis.

Selvom Pol Pot efter alt at dømme forblev angrende i alle sine år ved magten og i eksil, rapporterede Steve Heder, en amerikansk forsker i Cambodja, en nysgerrig beretning fra en tilhænger, der besøgte ham i 1981.

Han sagde, at han ved, at mange mennesker i landet hader ham og tror, ​​at han er ansvarlig for drabene, ' ' sagde tilhængeren om Pol Pot. ' 'Han sagde, at han ved, at mange mennesker døde. Da han sagde dette, brød han næsten sammen og græd. Der var mennesker, som han følte sig meget nær, og han stolede fuldt ud på dem. Så i sidste ende gjorde de rod i alt. ' '

I interviewet sidste efterår blev Pol Pot spurgt, om han troede, at hans unge datter senere ville være stolt over at kalde sig sin datter. ' ⟞t ved jeg ikke#x27 ' sagde han. ' ⟞t er op til historien at bedømme. ' '


Hvorfor mistede Røde Khmer magt?

De Røde Khmerer blev drevet væk fra magten af ​​afhoppere fra partiet og deres vietnamesiske allierede i 1979, men hvorfor mistede Røde Khmerer magten mindre end 4 år efter at have opnået det? Der er mange grunde, som vi vil beskrive nærmere i et følgende link, men det kan også opsummeres ganske let. Demokratiske Kampuchea sultede og terroriserede bogstaveligt talt sin arbejds- og kampstyrke, samtidig med at han forsøgte at skabe krig med Vietnam.

For et indgående kig på hvorfor Demokratiske Kampuchea faldt, klik her.

På grund af deres opbakning fra Kina følte ledelsen i Demokratiske Kampuchea, at de ville støtte dem i enhver krig mod de sovjetisk støttede vietnamesere. Alligevel var Kina under Deng ikke det samme land, som det var under Mao. Kineserne forsøgte at overbevise ledelsen om at forhandle med vietnameserne, hvilket de på grund af deres arrogance og til skade for dem nægtede at gøre.

Kina ville senere invadere Vietnam i et straffeangreb, efter at Røde Khmer mistede magten i 1979, men de ville i virkeligheden aldrig risikere alt atomkrig med Sovjetunionen om Cambodja. Du kan læse om den kinesisk-vietnamesiske krig her.

Når en kombineret vietnamesisk og cambodjansk styrke kom ind, stod de således over for minimal modstand. Rather than being seen as invaders, they were by and large seen as liberators, or at the very least the lesser of two evils.. Ironically if Pol Pot and his clique had been slightly less arrogant and negotiated with the Vietnamese, they would not only have survived, but would have received western backing.

To read about American backing for the Khmer Rouge click here.

In any other scenario this should have meant Pol Pot and his cronies disappearing into exile, or better still facing trial for their crimes. These though were far from normal times and the Khmer Rouge, and the ever suffering people of Cambodia were about to become Cold War pawns.


Ke Pauk

Ke Pauk, who has died aged 67, was born Ke Vin in Baray, in Kompong Thom province of northern Cambodia. He was only 15 when French forces raided his village. He fled to join communist-led independence fighters. Following France's departure five years later in 1954, King Sihanouk's police welcomed Vin home with a six-year sentence. Released in 1957, he married Soeun, a local woman. De havde seks børn. A neighbour recalls Vin "selling alcohol, buying chickens, and doing political work" in Baray.

In 1964, Vin was "attacked by police and driven into the forest". A witness saw the beginnings of the local Khmer Rouge insurgency: "54 men and women" with two carbines, secretly gathered in Bos Pauk forest. Vin assumed the revolutionary name Pauk, in memory of this hideout. One night in April 1968, the rebels struck, killing seven people in three villages. Pauk had launched a career that would catapult him to the top ranks of a genocidal regime.

When the Vietnam war smashed into Cambodia in 1970, Koy Thuon was running the Khmer Rouge underground's northern zone. Pauk became his military commander. Pauk attacked Lon Nol's US-backed Cambodian troops, Vietnamese communists, and Khmer civilians. A witness, Pon, says Khmer Rouge troops came to Baray in 1971 and "threw grenades into the houses of those who had sheltered the Vietnamese. In some cases they killed entire families." Lon Nol forces found 62 tombs and mass graves, containing 180 corpses.

Khmer Rouge internal divisions grew. According to Pon: "On this side of the Mekong (the north), the Khmer Rouge would not let people wear colourful clothing on the other side they would. On this side they wanted to know why the others did not obey the rules of the Organisation ( angkar ) and they would shoot people coming from there."

The US B-52 bombardment of Cambodia killed up to 150,000 peasants, and reached its height in 1973. Pauk's troops punished villagers for being "CIA agents" and allegedly "bringing in the US planes". Like extremists elsewhere in Cambodia, Pauk was the bombing's regional beneficiary. He became Thuon's rival.

One of his soldiers described Pauk's rule: "In the Kompong Thom region the Organisation (was) led by very severe men. Their discipline was terrible there were many executions. Buddha statues were destroyed and the pagodas secularised. there were camps for women, children, young women and young men meals were eaten communally and rations consisted only of rice soup without meat. children were forbidden to respect their parents, monks to pray, husbands to live with their wives." The totalitarian system of Pol Pot's "democratic Kampuchea" was emerging in northern Cambodia.

In 1973, northern troops invaded Kompong Cham city and deported 15,000 people to the countryside. Early the next year, Pauk's units were redeployed against Phnom Penh and the former royal capital, Oudong. Thousands of peasants took the chance to flee to the Lon Nol-held town of Kompong Thom. "We were forced to work very hard and got nothing," one explained. Black clothing was compulsory, and executions common. Ethnic minorities were to be "broken up". A northern zone order prohibited Muslim Chams from "concentrating in one area". Troops fired into a crowd of Cham fishermen, killing and wounding more than 100.

Forces led by Pauk and southwest zone commander Mok overran Oudong in 1974. A peasant recalls: "40,000 people were sent in all directions. The Khmer Rouge burned houses everywhere."

Khmer Rouge victory came with the capture of Phnom Penh, in April 1975. Pauk's forces helped evacuate its 2m inhabitants at gunpoint. Thuon, transferred to the capital, was purged by Pol Pot's Communist party "centre" in 1976. Pauk became party secretary of the northern zone. He executed Thuon's loyalists and appointed 10 of his own relatives to key positions. When popular revolt broke out in 1977, Pauk had hundreds massacred.

Across the Mekong in the eastern zone, Muslim Chams revolted in 1975. An official there complained to Pol Pot of his inability to implement "the dispersal strategy according to the decision that you, Brother, had discussed with us". Pol Pot had ordered 150,000 eastern Chams to be dispersed across the northern and northwest zones. But Pauk's northern officials rejected the 50,000 Cham deportees. They "absolutely refused to accept Islamic people", preferring "only pure Khmer people". In a message to Pol Pot, Pauk denounced "enemies" such as "Islamic people".

He was promoted to deputy chief of the general staff, under Mok. In 1977 Pauk took his forces to the east to attack across the Vietnamese border. Pol Pot joined him to address the troops: "Each Cambodian is to kill 30 Vietnamese" to take southern Vietnam.

But internal rivals came first. In May 1978, in concert with Mok's forces and Pol Pot's centre units, Pauk's northern troops began slaughtering the suspect eastern zone administration and population. In the largest mass murder in Cambodian history, they murdered more than 100,000 easterners in late 1978.

Vietnam's January 1979 invasion ended the genocide. The Khmer Rouge remnants fled to the Thai border.

In 1996, Pol Pot's former deputy, Leng Sary, defected to Hun Sen's Cambodian government for a "pardon". Fearing more defections, Pol Pot murdered Son Sen, his security chief. Pot's last loyalists drove their trucks over the bodies of their final victims: Son Sen's entire family. Mok turned and arrested Pol Pot.

Then, in 1998, Pauk mutinied against Mok, defecting to the government. As the factions slugged it out, Pol Pot died in his sleep. Cambodian officials captured Mok the next year. He is awaiting trial.

Like Pol Pot and Son Sen, Ke Pauk escaped justice. But they all lived to savour defeat.


Marking the end of Pol Pot’s rule in Cambodia

Invoking Syria and ISIL, Prime Minister Hun Sen warns opposing his party equals supporting the murderous Khmer Rouge.

Phnom Penh, Cambodia Days ago, Prime Minister Hun Sen had a strong message for his people: you are either with me or against me.

Invoking embattled Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and the devastating war being fought by ISIL and other rebel groups, Hun Sen drew parallels between Islamic fighters in Syria, Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge regime – which he helped to topple 36 years ago – and his domestic political opponents.

Those opposing the Syrian president had strengthened the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, said Hun Sen, and those who oppose his own government are, similarly, modern-day supporters of the equally radical Khmer Rouge.

Hun Sen’s tirade came just ahead of Wednesday’s “January 7” anniversary that marks the day in 1979 when Vietnamese forces, and members of Hun Sen’s government, deposed Pol Pot.

Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge regime started in 1975 and was responsible for the deaths of an estimated 1.7 million people through starvation, execution, and overwork .

“Any acts that weaken Assad help strengthen ISIS … so it means the same here,” Hun Sen said in a speech broadcast on local TV and radio on Monday .

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen [AP]

“You loathe the Pol Pot regime but you also oppose those who overthrew Pol Pot. So, what does it mean?” Hun Sen said.

“It means that they are allies of the Pol Pot regime. If they oppose January 7, they are in alliance with the Khmer Rouge and the genocidal regime.”

Opinions divided

January 7 is a contentious commemoration in Cambodia.

Traditionally, it is a partisan affair celebrated by members and supporters of Hun Sen’s ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), which first came to power on the back of the Vietnamese victory over the Khmer Rouge.

Critics see January 7 as the day Vietnam invaded to install a government sympathetic to Hanoi, and which remains in power and indebted to the Vietnamese to this day.

This month also marks Hun Sen’s 30th year at the centre of power. He was first appointed prime minister in 1985 by the country’s then-communist government.

“It’s a very sad day for Cambodia when we continue to label the victims of the Khmer Rouge as perpetrators,” Mu Sochua, a prominent member of the opposition Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP), said in response to Hun Sen’s comments.

Referring to Hun Sen’s position as a mid-level Khmer Rouge military commander before defecting to Vietnam in 1977, Sochua said it was ironic the person labelling others as Khmer Rouge sympathisers was himself a former member of the regime, and so were many members of his current government.

“We know who the Khmer Rouge were, and who came out of the Khmer Rouge,” she told Al Jazeera. “The prime minister cannot hide the truth.”

Hun Sen’s equating of January 7 detractors with Pol Pot allies comes after many voters turned away from his long-ruling party in the 2013 national election, and unprecedented protests against Vietnam in Phnom Penh last year. Hun Sen’s CPP now controls just 68 seats in parliament to the CNRP’s 55 seats.

Access to the Vietnamese Embassy was blockaded for several days during the protests by hundreds of Cambodians, including a vocal contingent of Buddhist monks, who hurled abuse and burned Vietnamese flags.

Vietnam’s alleged transgressions were both historic and contemporary: loss of border territory, continuing influence over Cambodian politics, and unchecked migration of Vietnamese citizens to Cambodia.

“January 7th is a very old agenda,” said Ou Ritthy, a blogger, youth activist and founder of the popular weekly public discussion forum known as Politikoffee.

Young people “don’t care much” about January 7, Ritthy said. “ It ‘ s about the past, and we have a lot of issues now.”

More important issues for young people are economic development, improving governance, and ending corruption.

Invasion or liberation?

Politically, January 7 is polarising with supporters and detractors generally adopting diametrically opposed views, said Ritthy, adding young people have a more nuanced understanding.

“It was clearly a liberation from Pol Pot, but it was also an invasion from Vietnam,” he said.

Roeun Kosal cut a lonely figure marching on the streets of the Cambodian capital late last year.

His one-man protest saw him slog for hours through rainstorms and flooded streets to reach the courthouse on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, where two former leaders of the Khmer Rouge movement are on trial for atrocities committed during their regime.

Kosal carried a black umbrella on his long march to the war crime tribunal. To it he had affixed paper placards naming the culprits he blames for the mass killings, including his parents, during the Pol Pot years.

None of those he named were Cambodian, however.

The Khmer Rouge’s Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea
[Reuters]

Pol Pot, who died in 1998, was not one of the names on the protest placards. Neither were the two surviving senior leaders of the Khmer Rouge currently on trial: Nuon Chea, the regime’s second in command, and Khieu Samphan, its former head of state.

“Pol Pot, Ieng Sary, Khieu Samphan, Nuon Chea – they did not kill even one person,” Kosal, 44, said this week.

“The one to blame is the Hanoi government … they killed the people,” he said, recounting a conspiracy that goes as follows: the Khmer Rouge movement was infiltrated by the Vietnamese, along with treacherous Cambodians with “Vietnamese minds”, who engineered genocide against the Khmer race.

Blaming Vietnam

Kosal is not alone in his belief.

A surprising number of Cambodians entertain suspicions, or ardent beliefs, that the mass killing during the Khmer Rouge years was not carried out by Pol Pot and his followers.

It’s not a new rendering of revolutionary history.

Craig Etcheson, a scholar who has researched the Khmer Rouge for decades, said public assertions by the Khmer Rouge that it was the Vietnamese who had committed mass crimes date to 1979 and were a propaganda response to Vietnam’s intervention in Cambodia.

The Khmer Rouge popularised the slogan “Khmer do not kill Khmer”, said Etcheson, who spent six years investigating Pol Pot-era crimes at the co-prosecutors’ office at the UN-backed war crimes tribunal.

It was Vietnamese who killed Cambodians. Everything was under the control of Vietnam - even the cooks were Vietnamese.

- Nuon Chea, Khmer Rouge official

“Since the Cambodian people clearly knew that there had indeed been a lot of killing, this slogan begged the question of just who then did all that killing. For the Khmer Rouge, an easy answer was close to hand: it was the Vietnamese. They have stuck with that line ever since.

“The bottom line is that it is the opposite of the truth,” he added.

Ongoing tribunal

On Thursday, the Khmer Rouge tribunal will restart hearings in the second case against Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan, which includes the charge of genocide against ethnic Cham Muslims and Vietnamese people. Both men were convicted of crimes against humanity in their first case, and sentenced to life in prison in August.

Giving testimony in 2011, Nuon Chea used his time in the dock to warn the youth of Cambodia of the dangers posed by Vietnam, and blamed all the crimes during his regime – even scarce meals prepared – on the Vietnamese. As Cambodians are devout Buddhists, the Khmer Rouge could not have committed the acts they are accused of, he said.

“These crimes – war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide – were not from Cambodian people,” Nuon Chea told the court, according to the Cambodia Daily.

“It was Vietnamese who killed Cambodians. Everything was under the control of Vietnam – even the cooks were Vietnamese.”


Today In History April 15: Death Of Pol Pot

Pol Pot, born Saloth Sar on 19 May 1925, and known in Cambodia as Brother Number One during the Democratic Kampuchea (Khmer Rouge) regime of 1975-79, died on 15 April, 1998.

After the collapse of Democratic Kampuchea in late 1979, Pol Pot continued to lead the Khmer Rouge forces in a fight against the Vietnamese occupation forces, and later the government of the restored Kingdom of Cambodia.

Following the successful restoration of the Kingdom, the Khmer Rouge lost most of their power, and by the mid 1990’s, factional in-fighting had reduced the forces even further. Many former fighters had defected to the government and major leaders had accepted amnesties and crossed the line.

Pol Pot, by now in his 70’s, had grown suspicious of his former deputy Son Sen (Comrade Khieu) and in June 1997 ordered his death after reports of his imminent defection were reported.

Khmer Rouge cadres killed Son and 13 of his family members and aides, although Pol Pot later claimed he did not order the deaths. Top KR leader Ta Mok (who himself was implicated in Son’s execution) was concerned that Pol Pot could turn on him too. Mok gathered loyal troops one of the last KR strongholds in Anglong Vang, informing them that Pol Pot had betrayed their movement, he took his troops out of the area.

Fearing an attack from Mok’s forces, Pol Pot, along with his family, and several bodyguards fled on foot on 12 June 1997. Pol Pot was now old and virtually crippled and had to be carried. After Mok’s troops apprehended them, Pol Pot was placed under house arrest.

Former top KR leaders Khieu Samphân and Nuon Chea, who were both looking to secure amnesties from the government, sided with Mok.

In late July, Pol Pot and the three Khmer Rouge commanders who remained loyal to him were brought before a mass meeting, with American journalist Nate Thayer invited to film the event.

The Khmer Rouge court sentenced Pol Pot to life imprisonment and three other commanders were sentenced to death. Three months later, Ta Mok permitted Thayer to visit and interview Pol Pot.

On 15 April 1998, Pol Pot died in his sleep, apparently of heart failure. He was 72. His body was preserved with ice and formaldehyde so that his death could be verified by journalists attending his funeral.

Three days later, his wife cremated his body on a pyre of tyres and rubbish, with traditional Cambodian Buddhist funerary rites. There were suspicions that he had committed suicide by taking an overdose of medication.

Nate Thayer later reported that Pol Pot killed himself when he became aware of Ta Mok’s plan to hand him over to the United States, saying that “Pol Pot died after ingesting a lethal dose of a combination of Valium and chloroquine”.

**FILE**A Khmer Rouge soldier stands near the body of leader Pol Pot in a small hut near the Thai-Cambodia border about a mile from Chong Sangam Pass, Thailand, Thursday, April 16, 1998, in this file photo. Pol Pot died on April 15, 1998, and this marks the ten-year anniversary of the death of Pol Pot, who as the leader of the Khmer Rouge was responsible for the deaths of about 1.7 million of his countrymen. (AP Photo/David Longstreath, FILE)


Pol Pot, leader of Cambodia’s genocidal government, dies in his sleep - HISTORY

"Why should we flagellate ourselves for what the Cambodians did to each other?"-- Henry Kissinger

[ Like Sadam Hussein, Pol Pot was a CIA asset . Phase one was US "secret bombing" by Kissinger and Nixon which killed up to 600,000 civilians and paved the way for Phase two: Pol Pot/Khmer Rouge killings from 1975 to 1979 where a t least 200,000 people were executed (while estimates of the total number of deaths resulting from Khmer Rouge policies, including disease and starvation, range from 1.4 to 2.2 million out of a population of around 7 million) .]


Khmer Rouge flag Red Black X sign

[2011 Sept] French Revolution's Hidden Depopulation Agenda by Andrew Smith "Pol Pot's regime is surprisingly similar to the French Revolution, 200 years before. Both revolutions began in the French capitol of Paris. Both revolutions conducted deadly purges, resulting in the death of many. Also, when they took over, both Pol Pot and the French declared, 'This is the year zero.' They both made their own 10 day calendar and rejected the thought of any God. Both revolutions were curtailed within a decade." And both were financed by the Illuminati Bankers.

Citater
According to Webster Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin, the Pol Pot Regime was "a demonstration model of the NSSM 200 policy". The Khmer Rouge could not have made the gains it did in Cambodia without the aid of Kissinger and Nixon. It was the Nixon Administration's bombing of Cambodia that aided the Khmer Rouge in their takeover of Cambodia. Tarpley and Chaitkin elaborate:
" The most important single ingredient in the rise of the Khmer Rouge was provided by Kissinger and Nixon, through their systematic campaign of terror-bombing against Cambodian territory during 1973. This was called Arclight, and began shortly after the January 1973 Paris Accords on Vietnam. With the pretext of halting a Khmer Rouge attack on Phnom Penh, U.S. forces carried out 79,959 officially confirmed sorties with B-52 and F-111 bombers against targets inside Cambodia, dropping 539,129 tons of explosives. Many of these bombs fell upon the most densely populated sections of Cambodia, including the countryside around Phnom Penh. The number of deaths caused by this genocidal campaign has been estimated at between 30,000 and 500,000. Accounts of the devastating impact of this mass terror-bombing leave no doubt that it shattered most of what remained of Cambodian society and provided ideal preconditions for the further expansion of the Khmer Rouge insurgency, in much the same way that the catastrophe of World War I weakened European society so as to open the door for the mass irrationalist movements of fascism and Bolshevism. & quot
The ruin visited upon Cambodia by the Nixon Administration paved the way for Pol Pot and his murderous insurgents. The Khmer Rouge forced the Cambodian people out of the cities and into brutal agrarian slave labor. The end result was the death of some two million Cambodians. [2007] The Cambodian Memory Hole by Paul David Collins

[1990] On the Side of Pol Pot: U.S. Supports Khmer Rouge by Jack Colhoun For the last eleven years the United States government, in a covert operation born of cynicism and hypocrisy, has collaborated with the genocidal Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. More specifically, Washington has covertly aided and abetted the Pol Potists' guerrilla war to overthrow the Vietnamese backed government of Prime Minister Hun Sen, which replaced the Khmer Rouge regime.

The "secret bombing" of Cambodia by the Nixon-Kissinger gang may have killed as many Cambodians as were executed by the Khmer Rouge and surely contributed to the ferocity of Khmer Rouge behavior toward the urban elite and citizenry whose leaders had allied themselves with the foreign terrorists. . Over a fourteen-month period, ending in April 1970, Nixon and Kissinger authorized a total of 3,630 flights over Cambodia by the Pentagon's count, the planes dropped 110,000 tons of bombs. [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

Henry Kissinger's role in the Cambodian genocide, Chile, and East Timor, makes him a first class war criminal, arguably at least in the class of Hitler's Foreign Minister Joachim Von Ribbentrop, hanged in 1946. But Kissinger has the impunity flowing naturally to the leaders and agents of the victorious and dominant power. He gets a Nobel Peace prize, is an honored member of national commissions, and is a favored media guru and guest at public gatherings. [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

T he United States gave direct as well as indirect aid to Pol Pot-in one estimate, $85 million in direct support-and it "pressured UN agencies to supply the Khmer Rouge," which "rapidly improved" the health and capability of Pol Pot's forces after 1979 (Ben Kiernan, "Cambodia's Missed Chance," Indochina Newsletter, Nov.-Dec. 1991). U.S. ally China was a very large arms supplier to Pol Pot, with no penalty from the U.S. and in fact U.S. connivance-Carter's National Security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski stated that in 1979 "I encouraged the Chinese to support Pol Pot. Pol Pot was an abomination. We could never support him but China could." [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

before Pol Pot came to power in 1975, the United States had devastated Cambodia for the first half of what a Finnish government's study referred to as a "decade" of genocide (not just the four years of Pol Pot's rule, 1975-78). The "secret bombing" of Cambodia by the Nixon-Kissinger gang may have killed as many Cambodians as were executed by the Khmer Rouge and surely contributed to the ferocity of Khmer Rouge behavior toward the urban elite and citizenry whose leaders had allied themselves with the foreign terrorists. [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

. "U.S. B-52s pounded Cambodia for 160 consecutive days [in 1973], dropping more than 240,000 short tons of bombs on rice fields, water buffalo, villages (particularly along the Mekong River) and on such troop positions as the guerrillas might maintain," a tonnage that "represents 50 percent more than the conventional explosives dropped on Japan during World War II". This "constant indiscriminate bombing" was of course carried out against a peasant society with no air force or ground defenses. The Finnish government study estimates that 600,000 people died in this first phase, with 2 million refugees produced. Michael Vickerey estimated 500,000 killed in phase one. [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

Scholars uniformly pointed to the important contribution the first phase made to Khmer Rouge behavior in phase two: by destroying the fabric of society and providing the victors "with the psychological ingredients of a violent, vengeful, and unrelenting social revolution" (David Chandler). But for the mainstream media, phase one did not exist Cambodian history began with Khmer Rouge genocide starting in April 1975. [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

To bring about depopulation of large cities according to the trial run carried out by the Pol Pot regime in Cambodia. It is interesting to note that Pol Pot's genocidal plans were drawn up in the US by one of the Club of Rome's research foundations, and overseen by Thomas Enders, a high-ranking State Department official. It is also interesting that the committee is currently seeking to reinstate the Pol Pot butchers in Cambodia. Targets of the Illuminati and the Committe of 300 By Dr. John Coleman.

What is remarkable about the U.S. coverage of his death is the omission of U.S. complicity in his rise to power, a complicity that sustained him for almost two decades. For the truth is that Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge would be historical nonentities-and a great many people would be alive today- had Washington not helped bring them to power and the governments of the United States, Britain, China and Thailand not supported them, armed them, sustained them and restored them.
. Between 1969 and 1973, U.S. bombers killed perhaps three-quarters of a million Cambodian peasants in an attempt to destroy North Vietnamese supply bases, many of which did not exist. During one six-month period in 1973, B-52s dropped more bombs on Cambodians, living mostly in straw huts, than were dropped on Japan during all of World War II, the equivalent of five Hiroshimas. The Friends of Pol Pot by John Pilger

One of their favorites was the writer Coudenhove-Kalergi who wrote a book in 1932 entitled "REVOLUTION THROUGH TECHNOLOGY which was a blueprint for the return of the world to a medieval society. The book, in fact, became a working paper for the Committee of 300's plan to deindustrialize the world, starting with the United States. Claiming that pressures of over-population are a serious problem, Kalergi advised a return to what he called "open spaces." Does this sound like the Khmer Rouge and Pol Pot? Here are some extracts from the book:
"In its facilities, the city of the future will resemble the city of the Middle Ages. and he who is not condemned to live in a city because of his occupation, will go to the countryside. Our civilization is a culture of the major cities therefore it is a marsh plant, born by degenerated, sickly and decadent people, who have voluntarily, or involuntarily, ended up in this dead-end street of life."
Isn't that very close to what "AnkarWat" gave as "his" reasons for depopulating Phnom Penh?
. Industry is to be totally destroyed along with nuclear powered energy systems. Only the Committee of 300 members and their elitists shall have the right to any of the earth's resources. Agriculture shall be solely in the hands of the Committee of 300 with food production strictly controlled. As these measures begin to take effect, large populations in the cities shall be forcibly removed to remote areas and those who refuse to go shall be exterminated in the manner of the One World Government experiment carried out by Pol Pot in Cambodia. CONSPIRATORS' HIERARCHY: THE COMMITTEE OF 300 by Dr. John Coleman


What happened at Tuol Sleng prison?

Comrade Duch ran Phnom Penh's S-21 prison, also known as Tuol Sleng, the most notorious Khmer Rouge torture site.

It is thought that at least 15,000 men, women and children deemed enemies of the regime passed through the gates of the former school-turned-prison.

Most of them were tortured, forced to confess to fictitious crimes against the Khmer Rouge and then put to death at the so-called "killing fields" just outside the capital.

Prisoners were initially officials from the old government, people accused of being middle class and later mainly Khmer Rouge members suspected of disloyalty.

The guards, who were often teenagers, forced the prisoners to write detailed confessions to whatever they were accused of and implicate friends and family who were then imprisoned in turn.

Those who survived the torture where eventually taken to the "killing fields" at Choeung Ek where they were killed, sometimes after digging their own mass graves.


In the history of totalitarian states, Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge regime comes forth as one of the most brutal and inhumane because of the sheer number of people who died because of Pol Pot’s machinations.

In the four years that the Khmer Rouge laid waste to Cambodia, it is estimated that upward to two million people died due to overwork, starvation and government violence that led to the arrest, detention and subsequent execution of perceived enemies of the Khmer Rouge.

Khmer Rouge Killing Fields | Jeremy Canuto

What started as a hopeful union between right-wing military forces and Pol Pot’s forces soon became a nightmare for Cambodians as the subsequent social engineering failed, even with the support of China.

The Killing Fields

One would think that spaces where unspeakable crimes against humanity would rather be covered up and buried, to prevent these sites from harming the psyche of the future generations in Cambodia.

But history is as much a balm as a somber reminder of things that must not be repeated, so Cambodia, instead of ‘covering up and forgetting’ the Khmer Rouge killing fields, decided to create memorials, museums, and historical sites to explain what these sites were, not just to the ever-curious international community, but to the young Cambodians who deserve to know the truth.

Khmer Rouge Killing Fields | Jim George

And the truth is at one point in history, the country suffered from systematic genocide that claimed millions of lives. Surely a mouthful that no one can really swallow, but it is what it is. One of these sites is the S-21 Genocide Museum in Phnom Penh, which used to be the most notorious prisons used by the regime. Around 17,000 men, women, and children were imprisoned and executed at this site alone.

If the military didn’t get them first, diseases and starvation, as well as overwork from the “communal farms” killed them. What Pol Pot thought was the beginning of a glorious return to “Year Zero” turned out to be a dystopian twisting of communism. None of what Pol Pot did could be qualified as neither revolutionary nor scientific. The Khmer Rouge regime, for all intents and purposes, was an oppressive, totalitarian regime that decimated enemies and suppressed intellectuals, branding them as enemies of the state.

Forbrydelser mod menneskeheden

It is unfortunate that so many years after the fall of Pol Pot’s regime, only three people have been sentenced by the United Nations tribunal for crimes against humanity.

Torture Room – Khmer Rouge | ScreenPunk

The prosecution against surviving Khmer Rouge leaders began in 2009. Pol Pot himself died in his jungle home after he was denounced by fellow Party members. He did not live long enough to be brought to justice, as he died in his sleep, presumably due to cardiac arrest.

Only two top leaders of the regime live to this day – Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea. Samphan served as the KR’s chief diplomat. He was once one of the most respectable politicians in Cambodia, as he also served as the international face of the regime.

Nuon Chea, who was slightly older than Samphan, was the chief ideologue of the KR. The two had been neighbors (as cellmates) since the legal proceedings began, and both have also been found guilty of genocide against the Cambodian people in 2018. The third person to be sentenced is Kaing Guek Eav, who was sentenced to life for his lead participation in running the infamous Tuol Sleng prison.

Both Samphan and Chea have been noted as to saying that “bygones should be bygones,” and that they “only killed bad people.” The current sentences say otherwise.


Se videoen: Memory Cambodia 196x197x before Pol Pot n62 kh