Tokenstatus for Mughal -tronen

Tokenstatus for Mughal -tronen



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Mughal -magten begyndte at falde efter Aurangzebs død.

Inden for 30 år efter hans død mistede Mughals de fleste af deres sydindiske besiddelser. Nye stater blev etableret af 3 stormænd, Sadat Ali Khan, Murshid ul Kuli Khan og Qamar ud Din Khan, selv da tronen så 8 herskere på 12 år. Men alle udtalte sig selv for at være trofaste over for Mughal -tronen, men hver for sig var stærkere end tronen i Delhi.

Shahujis hær under traktat med brødrene Sayyid gik simpelthen ind i Mughals hovedstad og afsatte Farrukhsiyar, den herskende kejser. Men traktaten handlede ikke om at dele bytte. Shahuji, i traktaten, indvilligede i at acceptere reglen om Mughal -tronen i Deccan, og til gengæld blev Swaraj, selvstyre og rettigheder til indtægter garanteret i samme Mughal Deccan.

Marathaerne havde den effektive kontrol over mere end 70 % af det indiske subkontinent i 1758. De havde fyret Delhi flere gange. Mughal -imperiet var slet ikke en interessent i magtdynamikken.

Hvorfor blev de så holdt på tronen som marionetherskere? Selv efter det tredje slag ved Panipat installerede Ahmed Durrani efter sejren, inden han rejste tilbage til Afghanistan, Shah Alam II som Mughal -kejser og udstedte firman til alle indiske høvdinger for at anerkende ham som hersker.

I 1772 eskorterede Mahadji den dengang afsatte, og endda blinde Shah Alam II, fra Allahabad til Delhi for at krone ham som konge igen. Og så fik han kongelige titler i retten og regerede staten i kejserens navn.

Og mange flere tilfælde. I 1857 stormede sepoys af mytteriet ind i Delhi, og kejseren blev næsten tvunget til at acceptere at være leder af mytteri, og derfra udråbte sepoys ham igen til kejser i Indien. Det spørgsmål, jeg har, er, hvorfor blev Mughal -tronen brugt som et tegn til at regere i Indien. Hvorfor blev det ikke bare afskaffet og sluttede. Hvorfor regerede magter ikke i deres eget navn? Hvorfor var ikke Mughal -tronen simpelthen afskaffet for længe siden og falmede i glemmebogen?


Jeg fandt noget interessant Dette er Benoît de Boigne. I 1783 havde han publikum, hvor kejseren i Delhi foreslog opdagelse af nye handelsruter. Men kejseren udsatte enhver beslutning. Dagen efter publikum gav en kejserlig edikt Mahadji Sindhia regeringen i provinserne Delhi og Agra. Med andre ord blev Sindhia den kejserlige regent og den reelle magt, mens kejser Shah Alam uden at blive afsat nu kun var et figurhoved. I 1790 opsummerede de Boigne datidens indiske politik:

"Respekten for huset til Timur [Moghul -dynastiet] er så stærk, at selvom hele subkontinentet er blevet trukket tilbage fra sin myndighed, har ingen prins i Indien taget titlen som suveræn. Sindhia delte denne respekt, og Shah Alam [Shah Alam II] sad stadig på Moghul -tronen, og alt blev gjort i hans navn. "

Jeg holder opslaget åbent


I et ord - prestige; og dermed legitimitet.

Det var en lignende følelse, der genoplivede Romerriget efter dets opløsning, først af Karl den Store i 800 e.Kr. og derefter et afbrudt forsøg fra Hitler (Det tredje rige) i begyndelsen af ​​det 20. århundrede.

I samtidens politik kan man se forsøg på at etablere det islamiske kalifat i et lignende lys.


Jeg læser i øjeblikket indisk historie fra 800AD til 1500AD. Hvad jeg fandt ud af, er når nogen erklærede sig selv for en hersker, vil andre forene sig i at angribe dem og bringe undergang på den nævnte herskers familie. Det er lettere at regere i navnet på en fjern marionet hersker og indsamle indtægter og ikke bekymre sig om grusomhederne, da de blev begået i kejserens navn.

Det er mine egne tanker, og jeg har ikke nogen artikler til at bakke op om dette.


Nedgang i Mughal Empire i Indien

Indiens såvel som verdens historie er blevet opdelt i tre perioder: oldtid, middelalder og moderne.

Aurangzebs død menes at have markeret begyndelsen på den moderne periode. Denne historie ses at slutte med opnåelsen af ​​uafhængighed i 1947.

Er ‘moderne ’ et tilstrækkeligt og acceptabelt udtryk til at beskrive denne periode i historien?

Selvom vi kan referere til forskellige historiske perioder, hvor der skete ændringer og adskilte egenskaber dukkede op, kan vi ikke fastsætte præcise datoer for en bestemt periode. Hver periode blev født ud af den forrige. Men efterhånden udviklede hver især sine egne særpræg.

Billedkilde: c14608526.r26.cf2.rackcdn.com/A91D9F3E-BDD2-44A7-A1F1-6614AF4C11FD.jpg

Ideen om det ‘moderne ’ er kommet fra Vesten. Det er forbundet med udviklingen af ​​videnskab, fornuft, frihed, lighed og demokrati. Hvis vi bruger udtrykket ‘moderne ’ for perioden med britisk styre i Indien, accepterer vi, at disse principper blev indført i Indien af ​​briterne.

En alternativ måde er altså at karakterisere denne periode som ‘ -kolonien ’. Etablering og spredning af britisk styre og den ledsagende transformation i den politiske, økonomiske, sociale og kulturelle verden er alle en del af denne kolonistyre.

Nedgang i Mughals:

Perioden for Great Mughals, der begyndte i 1526 med Babur's tronbestigelse, sluttede med Aurangzebs død i 1707. Aurangzebs død markerede afslutningen på en æra i indisk historie. Da Aurangzeb døde, var Mughals imperium det største i Indien. Men inden for omkring halvtreds år efter hans død gik Mughal -imperiet i opløsning.

Aurangzebs død blev efterfulgt af en successionskrig blandt hans tre sønner. Det endte med sejren for den ældste bror, prins Muazzam. Den femogtres-årige prins besteg tronen under navnet Bahadur Shah.

Bahadur Shah (1707 e.Kr.-1712 e.Kr.):

Bahadur Shah fulgte en kompromis- og forligspolitik og forsøgte at forene Rajputs, Marathas, Bundelas, Jats og Sikhs. Under hans regeringstid blev marathaerne og sikherne mere magtfulde. Han måtte også møde oprør fra sikherne. Bahadur Shah døde i 1712.

Succeskrige, der havde været en fast funktion blandt Mughals, var blevet mere akutte efter Bahadur Shahs død. Dette var især fordi adelsmændene var blevet meget magtfulde. Forskellige fraktioner af adelige støttede rivaliserende fordringer på tronen for at besætte høje poster.

Jahandar Shah (1712 e.Kr.-1713 e.Kr.):

Jahandar Shah, der efterfulgte Bahadur Shah, var svag og inkompetent. Han blev kontrolleret af adelige og kunne nå at styre kun i et år.

Farrukhsiyar (1713 e.Kr.-1719 e.Kr.):

Farrukhsiyar besteg tronen ved hjælp af Sayyid -brødrene, der populært blev kaldt ‘king makers ’. Han blev kontrolleret af Sayyid -brødrene, der var den egentlige autoritet bag Mughal -magt. Da han forsøgte at frigøre sig fra deres kontrol, blev han dræbt af dem.

Mohammad Shah (1719 e.Kr.-1748 e.Kr.):

Sayyiderne hjalp Mohammad Shah med at stige op på det 18-årige barnebarn i Bahadur Shah til tronen. Ved at udnytte Mohammad Shahs svage styre og den konstante rivalisering mellem adelens forskellige fraktioner etablerede nogle magtfulde og ambitiøse adelsmænd næsten uafhængige stater. Hyderabad, Bengal, Awadh og Rohilkhand tilbød men nominel loyalitet over for Mughal -kejseren. Mughal -imperiet brød praktisk talt op.

Mohammad Shahs lange regeringstid på næsten 30 år (1719-1748 e.Kr.) var den sidste chance for at redde imperiet. Da hans regeringstid begyndte, var Mughal -prestige blandt folket stadig en vigtig politisk kraft. En stærk hersker kunne have reddet dynastiet. Men Mohammad Shah var ikke lig med opgaven. Han forsømte statens anliggender og gav aldrig fuld støtte til dygtige wazirer.

Nadir Shahs invasion:

Indiens tilstand med dens inkompetente herskere, svage administration og ringe militære styrke tiltrak udenlandske angribere. Nadir Shah, herskeren i Persien, angreb Punjab i 1739. Mohammad Shah blev let besejret og fængslet. Nadir Shah marcherede mod Delhi. Nadir Shah var en voldsom invader.

Han massakrerede tusinder af mennesker i Delhi. Delhi så øde ud i flere dage. Mohammad Shah blev imidlertid genindsat på tronen. Nadir Shah bar Kohinoor -diamanten og påfugttronen i Shah Jahan med sig. Ved at plyndre en storby som Delhi fik han enorm rigdom.

Nadir Shahs invasion gav et knusende slag mod det allerede vaklende Mughal -imperium og fremskyndede processen med dets opløsning. Mohammad Shahs rige var praktisk talt begrænset til Delhi og dets kvarter. Han døde i 1748.

Mohammad Shah blev efterfulgt af en række ineffektive herskere Ahmad Shah (1748-1754), Alamgir II (1754-1759), Shah Alam II (1759-1806), Akbar II (1806-1837) og Bahadur Shah II (1837-1857) ). Under reglen om Alamgir II kæmpede East India Company Slaget ved Plassey i 1757 og besejrede Siraj-ud-Daulah, Nawab i Bengal. De fik dermed fodfæste i Bengal.

I 1761, under regeringstid af Shah Alam II, invaderede Ahmad Shah Abdali, den uafhængige hersker i Afghanistan, Indien. Han erobrede Punjab og marcherede mod Delhi. På dette tidspunkt havde marathaerne udvidet deres indflydelse til Delhi. Derfor var en krig mellem marathaerne og Ahmad Shah Abdali uundgåelig.

I det tredje slag ved Panipat blev Marathas fuldstændig besejret. De mistede tusinder af soldater sammen med deres meget gode generaler. De blev tvunget til at trække sig tilbage til Deccan. Ahmad Shah Abdali ’s invasion svækkede Mughal Empire yderligere.

Shah Alam II bevilgede Dewani i Bengal, Bihar og Orissa til East India Company i 1765. Dette tillod selskabet at indsamle indtægter fra disse områder. Det viste også, at Mughal -autoriteten blev anerkendt af de indiske herskere. Mughal -reglen formelt ophørte, da Bahadur Shah blev afsat og deporteret til Rangoon af East India Company (1757).

Årsager til faldet i Mughal Empire:

1. Succeskrige:

Mughalerne fulgte ikke nogen successionslov som loven om primogenitet. Hver gang en hersker døde, begyndte der derfor en arvekrig mellem brødrene om tronen. Dette svækkede Mughal Empire, især efter Aurangzeb. Adelsmændene øgede deres egen magt ved at sidde sammen med den ene eller den anden kandidat.

2. Politikker for Aurangzeb ’s:

Aurangzeb kunne ikke indse, at det enorme Mughal -rige var afhængigt af folkets villige støtte. Han mistede støtten fra Rajputs, der havde bidraget meget til imperiets styrke. De havde fungeret som støttepillere, men Aurangzebs politik gjorde dem til bitre fjender. Krigene med sikherne, marathaerne, jatterne og rajputerne havde drænet ressourcerne i Mughal -imperiet.

3. Svage efterfølgere af Aurangzeb:

Efterfølgerne til Aurangzeb var svage og blev ofre for de fraktionerede adels intriger og sammensværgelser. De var ineffektive generaler og ude af stand til at undertrykke oprør. Fraværet af en stærk hersker, et effektivt bureaukrati og en dygtig hær havde gjort Mughal -imperiet svagt.

4. Tomt statskasse:

Shah Jahans iver efter byggeri havde tømt statskassen. Aurangzebs lange krige i syd havde yderligere drænet statskassen.

5. Invasioner:

Udenlandske invasioner ødelagde Mughals 'resterende styrke og fremskyndede nedbrydningsprocessen. Invasionerne af Nadir Shah og Ahmad Shah Abdali resulterede i yderligere dræning af rigdom. Disse invasioner rystede selve imperiets stabilitet.

6. Imperiets størrelse og udfordring fra regionale magter:

Mughal -imperiet var blevet for stort til at blive kontrolleret af nogen hersker fra et center, dvs. Delhi. The Great Mughals var effektive og udøvede kontrol over ministre og hær, men de senere Mughals var dårlige administratorer. Som et resultat blev de fjerne provinser uafhængige. Fremkomsten af ​​uafhængige stater førte til opløsningen af ​​Mughal Empire.

De senere Mughal -herskere (1707 e.Kr.-1857 e.Kr.):

Uafhængige staters fremgang i 1700 -tallet:

Med faldet i Mughal -imperiet adskiltes en række provinser fra imperiet, og flere uafhængige stater opstod.

Hyderabad:

Staten Hyderabad blev grundlagt af Qamar-ud-din Siddiqi, der blev udnævnt til vicekonge i Deccan, med titlen Nizam-ul-Mulk, af kejser Farrukhsiyar i 1712. Han etablerede en næsten uafhængig stat, men vendte tilbage til Delhi i løbet af kejser Mohammad Shahs regeringstid. I 1724 blev han genudnævnt til vicekonge af Deccan med titlen Asaf Jah. Han grundlagde Asaf Jah -dynastiet. Hans efterfølgere var kendt som Nizams i Hyderabad.

Asaf Jah styrede Deccan med en fast hånd, knuste de oprørske og magtfulde zamindarer og etablerede en stærk administration. Han satte sin nominerede, Anwar-ud-din, på tronen i Arcot. Efter hans død i 1748 blev Hyderabad et let bytte for magtfulde naboer. Europæiske handelsselskaber begyndte at blande sig i den indenlandske politik i Hyderabad for deres egne egoistiske gevinster.

Carnatic:

Carnatic var en af ​​provinserne i Mughals i Deccan og var under myndighed af Nizam i Hyderabad. I praksis var Carnatic imidlertid praktisk talt uafhængig under sit nawab.

Bengal:

Bengal i det 18. århundrede omfattede Bengal, Bihar og Orissa. Murshid Quli Khan var Diwan i Bengal under Aurangzeb. Farrukhsiyar udnævnte ham til Subedar (guvernør) i Bengal i 1717.

Ved at udnytte den voksende svaghed hos centralmyndigheden blev Murshid Quli Khan praktisk talt uafhængig. Murshid Quli Khan (1717-27) og hans efterfølgere Shuja-ud-Daula (1727-39) og Alivardi Khan (1739-1756) gav Bengal en lang periode med fred og stabil administration.

Alle disse tre herskere gav opmuntring til handel, men bevarede streng kontrol med de udenlandske handelsselskaber. Alivardi Khan tillod ikke engelske og franske handelsselskaber at forstærke deres ejendele i Bengal.

Nawaberne i Bengal undlod imidlertid at opbygge en stærk hær og flåde. De undlod også at forhindre korruption blandt embedsmændene. De ødelagde heller ikke fast det østindiske kompagnis tendens til at bruge magt. Deres uvidenhed om situationen i Europa viste sig at være dyr. Bengal var den første provins, der blev erobret af East India Company.

Awadh:

Subah af Awadh omfattede Benaras og nogle distrikter i nærheden af ​​Allahabad. Saadat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk blev udnævnt til guvernør i Awadh af Mughal-kejseren. Men han blev hurtigt uafhængig. Han etablerede en stærk administration, knuste de store zamindars magt og frembragte lov og orden i landet.

Hans efterfølger Safdar Jang gav Awadh en lang periode med fred og velstand. Awadh-herskernes myndighed strakte sig op til Rohil-khand, et område øst for Delhi.

Mysore:

Tidligt i 1700 -tallet blev Mysore styret af en hinduistisk konge. Efter kongens død erobrede Hyder Ali tronen. Selvom han var analfabet, var Hyder Ali en effektiv administrator. Han blev hersker over Mysore, da Hyder Ali var en svag og delt stat.

Men inden for et kort tidsrum gjorde han Mysore til en af ​​de førende indiske magter. Han moderniserede hæren og udvidede sit rige gennem erobringer. Han var stærk nok til at fremstå som en rival til briterne.

Rajput -kongedømmene:

Ved at drage fordel af den voksende svaghed ved Mughal -magt blev Rajput -staterne praktisk talt uafhængige. Men Rajput -cheferne blev fortsat delt som før. De fleste af Rajput -staterne var involveret i småskænderier og borgerkrige.

Raja Sawai Jai Singh af Amber (1681-1743) var en kendt Rajput-hersker. Han grundlagde byen Jaipur. Han rejste også observatorier med præcise og avancerede instrumenter i Delhi, Jaipur, Ujjain, Varanasi og Mathura. Med Marathas stigning begyndte Rajput indflydelse at falde.

Punjab:

Det var under ledelse af Guru Gobind Singh, sikhernes tiende og sidste guru, at samfundet blev en politisk og militær styrke. Invasionerne af Nadir Shah og Ahmad Shah Abdali og den deraf følgende tilbagegang i Mughal -magt gav sikherne mulighed for at rejse sig. Mellem 1765 og 1800 bragte de Punjab og Jammu under deres kontrol. I slutningen af ​​1700 -tallet bragte Ranjit Singh, chef for Sukercharia mis, alle sikh -høvdinge vest for floden Sutlej under hans kontrol og etablerede et magtfuldt sikh -imperium i Punjab.

Efter Ranjit Singhs død var der forvirring i Sikh -staten. Englænderne, der var på udkig efter en mulighed for at udvide deres territorier, erobrede sikheriget (1839-40).

Marathaerne:

Shahuji, barnebarn til Shivaji, der var blevet fængslet af Aurangzeb, blev løsladt af Bahadur Shah i 1707. Maratha -staten blev på det tidspunkt styret af Tara Bai, dronningens regent. En borgerkrig brød ud mellem de to Shahu sejrede.

Shahuji udnævnte Balaji Vishwanath som sin Peshwa eller premierminister i 1713. Balaji Vishwanath koncentrerede al magt i egne hænder og blev den virkelige hersker over Marathaerne. Kongen blev henvist til baggrunden. Balaji Vishwanath tildelte Maratha sardarer (høvdinge) separate områder til opkrævning af opkrævninger af chauth og sardeshmukhi.

Balaji Baji Rao (1740-1761) udvidede imperiet yderligere i forskellige retninger. Maratha -magten nåede sin højde under ham. Marathaerne nåede hurtigt Delhi og tilbød deres støtte til Mughal -kejseren. Udvisningen af ​​Ahmad Shah Abdali ’s agent fra Punjab bragte marathaerne ind i en åben konflikt med Ahmad Shah Abdali.

Slaget mellem de to styrker blev udkæmpet i Panipat i januar 1761. Marathaerne blev fuldstændig besejret. Næsten 28.000 soldater blev dræbt. Peshwa døde i juni 1761. Slaget ved Panipat ødelagde muligheden for at Marathas dukkede op som den stærkeste magt i Indien. For briterne var denne kamp af enorm betydning. Maratha -nederlaget ryddede vejen for fremkomsten af ​​britisk magt i Indien.

Det skal bemærkes, at de indiske magter var stærke nok til at ødelægge forene det eller til Mughal -imperiet, men ikke stærke nok til at forene det eller skabe noget nyt i stedet. Muligvis havde marathaerne alene styrken til at fylde det politiske tomrum, der blev skabt ved opløsningen af ​​Mughal -imperiet. Men de manglede politisk vision og bukkede under for britisk magt.


HISTORIE

Mughal-imperiet blev grundlagt af Babur, en centralasiatisk hersker, der stammede fra den turkomongolske erobrer Timur (grundlæggeren af ​​Timurid-imperiet) på sin fars side og fra Chagatai, den anden søn af den mongolske hersker Djengis Khan, på hans mors side. [33] Fordrevet fra sine forfædre domæner i Centralasien, vendte Babur sig til Indien for at tilfredsstille hans ambitioner. Han etablerede sig i Kabul og skubbede derefter støt sydpå til Indien fra Afghanistan gennem Khyberpasset. [33] Babur ’s styrker besatte store dele af det nordlige Indien efter hans sejr i Panipat i 1526. [33] Optagelsen med krige og militære kampagner tillod imidlertid ikke den nye kejser at konsolidere de gevinster, han havde gjort i Indien. [33] Imperiets ustabilitet blev tydelig under hans søn, Humayun, der blev drevet ud af Indien og ind i Persien af ​​oprørere. [33] Humayun ’s eksil i Persien etablerede diplomatiske bånd mellem Safavid og Mughal Courts og førte til stigende persisk kulturel indflydelse i Mughal Empire. Genoprettelsen af ​​Mughal -reglen begyndte efter Humayuns sejrrige hjemkomst fra Persien i 1555, men han døde af en dødsulykke kort tid efter. [33] Humayun ’s søn, Akbar, lykkedes på tronen under en regent, Bairam Khan, der hjalp med at konsolidere Mughal Empire i Indien. [33]

Gennem krigsførelse og diplomati var Akbar i stand til at udvide imperiet i alle retninger og kontrollerede næsten hele det indiske subkontinent nord for Godavari -floden. Han skabte en ny adelsklasse, der var loyal over for ham fra militæraristokratiet i Indiens sociale grupper, implementerede en moderne regering og støttede den kulturelle udvikling. [33] På samme tid intensiverede Akbar handelen med europæiske handelsselskaber. Indien udviklede en stærk og stabil økonomi, der førte til kommerciel ekspansion og økonomisk udvikling. Akbar tillod frit udtryk for religion og forsøgte at løse socio-politiske og kulturelle forskelle i sit imperium ved at etablere en ny religion, Din-i-Ilahi, med stærke egenskaber ved en herskerkult. [33] Han efterlod sine efterfølgere en internt stabil stat, som var midt i sin guldalder, men inden lange tegn på politisk svaghed ville dukke op. [33] Akbar ’s søn, Jahangir, styrede imperiet på sit højeste, men han var afhængig af opium, negligerede statens anliggender og kom under indflydelse af konkurrerende domstolsklikker. [33] Under regeringstiden for Jahangir ’s søn, Shah Jahan, nåede kulturen og pragt af den luksuriøse Mughal -domstol sit højdepunkt som eksemplificeret af Taj Mahal. [33] Rettens vedligeholdelse på dette tidspunkt begyndte at koste mere end indtægterne. [33]

Shah Jahans ældste søn, den liberale Dara Shikoh, blev regent i 1658 som følge af hans fars sygdom. En yngre søn, Aurangzeb, allierede sig imidlertid med den islamiske ortodoksi mod sin bror, der kæmpede for en synkretistisk hindu-muslimsk kultur og steg op til tronen. Aurangzeb besejrede Dara i 1659 og lod ham henrette. [33] Selvom Shah Jahan kom sig fuldstændigt fra sin sygdom, erklærede Aurangzeb ham inhabil til at styre og fik ham fængslet. Under Aurangzebs regeringstid fik imperiet endnu engang politisk styrke, men hans religiøse konservatisme og intolerance undergravede stabiliteten i Mughal -samfundet. [33] Aurangzeb udvidede imperiet til at omfatte næsten hele Sydasien, men ved hans død i 1707 var mange dele af imperiet i åbent oprør. [33] Aurangzeb ’s søn, Shah Alam, ophævede sin fars religiøse politik og forsøgte at reformere administrationen. Efter hans død i 1712 sank Mughal -dynastiet imidlertid i kaos og voldelige fejder. Alene i 1719 steg fire kejsere successivt på tronen. [33]

Under Muhammad Shahs regeringstid begyndte imperiet at bryde op, og store dele af det centrale Indien gik fra Mughal til Maratha. Nadir Shahs fjerntliggende indiske kampagne, der tidligere havde genoprettet iransk suverænitet over det meste af Vestasien, Kaukasus og Centralasien, kulminerede med Sacken i Delhi og knuste resterne af mughal magt og prestige. [33] Mange af imperiets eliter søgte nu at kontrollere deres egne anliggender og brød ud for at danne uafhængige kongeriger. [33] Men ifølge Sugata Bose og Ayesha Jalal var Mughal -kejseren imidlertid fortsat den højeste manifestation af suverænitet. Ikke kun den muslimske herredømme, men Maratha-, Hindu- og Sikh -lederne deltog i ceremonielle anerkendelser af kejseren som suveræn i Indien. [34] Det britiske virksomhedsstyre begyndte effektivt i 1757 efter slaget ved Plassey og varede indtil 1858, hvor den effektive britiske kolonitid startede over det indiske subkontinent. Mughal -kejser Shah Alam II gjorde forgæves forsøg på at vende Mughal -tilbagegangen og måtte i sidste ende søge beskyttelse af ydre magter, dvs. fra Emir af Afghanistan, Ahmed Shah Abdali, hvilket førte til det tredje slag ved Panipat mellem Maratha -imperiet og Afghanere ledet af Abdali i 1761. I 1771 erobrede Marathaerne Delhi fra afghansk kontrol, og i 1784 blev de officielt kejserens beskyttere i Delhi, [35] en tilstand, der fortsatte indtil efter den tredje Anglo-Maratha-krig. Derefter blev det britiske East India Company beskyttere af Mughal -dynastiet i Delhi. [34] Efter et knusende nederlag i krigen 1857–1858, som han nominelt ledede, blev den sidste Mughal, Bahadur Shah Zafar, afsat af British East India Company og forvist i 1858. Gennem Government of India Act 1858 den britiske krone overtog direkte kontrol over Indien i form af den nye britiske Raj. I 1876 overtog den britiske dronning Victoria titlen som kejserinde i Indien.

FORKLARINGER TIL AFKLARINGEN

Historikere har givet mange forklaringer på det hurtige sammenbrud af Mughal -imperiet mellem 1707 og 1720, efter et århundrede med vækst og velstand. I skattemæssig henseende mistede tronen de indtægter, der var nødvendige for at betale sine chefofficerer, emirerne (adelige) og deres følge. Kejseren mistede autoriteten, da de vidt spredte kejserlige officerer mistede tilliden til de centrale myndigheder og indgik deres egne aftaler med lokale indflydelsesrige mænd. Den kejserlige hær, der faldt i lange, meningsløse krige mod de mere aggressive marathaer, mistede sin kampånd. Endelig kom en række voldsomme politiske fejder om kontrollen over tronen. Efter henrettelsen af ​​kejser Farrukhsiyar i 1719 overtog lokale Mughal -efterfølgerstater magten i region efter region. [36]

Moderne kronikere beklagede forfaldet, de var vidne til, et tema, der blev taget op af de første britiske historikere, der ønskede at understrege behovet for en britisk ledet foryngelse. [37]

Siden 1970'erne har historikere taget flere tilgange til faldet, med ringe konsensus om, hvilken faktor der var dominerende. De psykologiske fortolkninger understreger fordærv på høje steder, overdreven luksus og stadig mere snævre synspunkter, der efterlod magthaverne uforberedte på en ekstern udfordring. En marxistisk skole (ledet af Irfan Habib og baseret på Aligarh Muslim University) understreger overdreven udnyttelse af bønderne fra de riges side, hvilket fjernede viljen og midlerne til at støtte regimet. [38] Karen Leonard har fokuseret på, at regimet undlod at arbejde med hinduistiske bankfolk, hvis økonomiske støtte i stigende grad var nødvendig bankfolkene derefter hjalp Maratha og briterne. [39] I en religiøs fortolkning hævder nogle forskere, at hinduistiske Rajput gjorde oprør mod muslimsk styre. [40] Endelig hævder andre forskere, at selve velstanden i imperiet inspirerede provinserne til at opnå en høj grad af uafhængighed og dermed svækkede den kejserlige domstol. [41]


Indhold

Aurangzeb blev født den 3. november 1618 i Dahod, Gujarat. Han var den tredje søn og sjette barn af Shah Jahan og Mumtaz Mahal. [35] I juni 1626, efter et mislykket oprør fra hans far, blev Aurangzeb og hans bror Dara Shukoh holdt som gidsler under deres bedsteforældres (Nur Jahan og Jahangir) Lahore -domstol. Den 26. februar 1628 blev Shah Jahan officielt erklæret for Mughal -kejseren, og Aurangzeb vendte tilbage for at bo hos sine forældre på Agra Fort, hvor Aurangzeb modtog sin formelle uddannelse i arabisk og persisk. Hans dagpenge blev fastsat til kr. 500, som han brugte på religiøs uddannelse og studiet af historie.

Den 28. maj 1633 undslap Aurangzeb døden, da en kraftig krigselefant stemplede gennem den kejserlige lejr i Mughal. Han red mod elefanten og slog dens kuffert med en lanse [36] og forsvarede sig med succes mod at blive knust. Aurangzebs tapperhed blev værdsat af hans far, der gav ham titlen Bahadur (Modig) og lod ham veje guld og overrakte gaver til en værdi af Rs. 200.000. Denne begivenhed blev fejret i persiske og urduvers, og Aurangzeb sagde: [37] [ præcisering nødvendig ]

Hvis (elefant) kampen var endt fatalt for mig, havde det ikke været et skamspørgsmål. Døden taber forhænget selv på kejsere, det er ingen vanære. Skammen lå i, hvad mine brødre gjorde!

Bundela krig

Aurangzeb var nominelt ansvarlig for den styrke, der blev sendt til Bundelkhand med det formål at dæmpe den oprørske hersker over Orchha, Jhujhar Singh, der havde angrebet et andet område i strid med Shah Jahans politik og nægtede at sone for sine handlinger. Efter aftale forblev Aurangzeb bagerst, væk fra kampene, og tog råd fra sine generaler, da Mughal -hæren samlede sig og begyndte belejringen af ​​Orchha i 1635. Kampagnen lykkedes, og Singh blev fjernet fra magten. [38]

Viceroy af Deccan

Aurangzeb blev udnævnt til vicekonge for Deccan i 1636. [40] Efter at Shah Jahans vasaler var blevet ødelagt af den alarmerende udvidelse af Ahmednagar under regeringstiden for Nizam Shahi-drengprinsen Murtaza Shah III, sendte kejseren Aurangzeb, der i 1636 bragte Nizam Shahi -dynastiet til ende. [41] I 1637 giftede Aurangzeb sig med safavidprinsessen Dilras Banu Begum, posthum kendt som Rabia-ud-Daurani. Hun var hans første kone og chefkonsort samt hans favorit. [42] [43] [44] Han havde også en forelskelse i en slavepige, Hira Bai, hvis død i en ung alder i høj grad påvirkede ham. I sin alderdom var han under charmen i sin konkubine, Udaipuri Bai. Sidstnævnte havde tidligere været en ledsager til Dara Shukoh. [45] I samme år, 1637, blev Aurangzeb sat i spidsen for at annektere det lille Rajput -kongerige Baglana, hvilket han let gjorde. [19]

I 1644 blev Aurangzebs søster, Jahanara, brændt, da kemikalierne i hendes parfume blev antændt af en nærliggende lampe, mens de var i Agra. Denne begivenhed udløste en familiekrise med politiske konsekvenser. Aurangzeb led sin fars utilfredshed ved ikke at vende tilbage til Agra med det samme, men snarere tre uger senere. Shah Jahan havde plejet Jahanara tilbage til sundhed på det tidspunkt, og tusinder af vasaler var ankommet til Agra for at vise deres respekt. [ citat nødvendig ] Shah Jahan var forarget over at se Aurangzeb komme ind i det indre palads i militær påklædning og afskedigede ham straks fra sin stilling som vicekonge i Deccan Aurangzeb fik heller ikke længere lov til at bruge røde telte eller at forbinde sig med den officielle militære standard for Mughal kejser. [ citat nødvendig ] Andre kilder fortæller os, at Aurangzeb blev afskediget fra sin stilling, fordi Aurangzeb forlod luksuslivet og blev en faqir. [46]

I 1645 blev han spærret for retten i syv måneder og omtalte sin sorg til andre Mughal -chefer. Derefter udnævnte Shah Jahan ham til guvernør i Gujarat, hvor han tjente godt og blev belønnet for at bringe stabilitet. [ citat nødvendig ]

I 1647 flyttede Shah Jahan Aurangzeb fra Gujarat for at være guvernør i Balkh og erstattede en yngre søn, Murad Baksh, der havde vist sig ineffektiv der. Området var under angreb fra usbekiske og turkmenske stammer. Mens Mughal -artilleriet og musketterne var en formidabel kraft, så var også deres modstanderes træfningsevner. De to sider var i dødvande, og Aurangzeb opdagede, at hans hær ikke kunne leve af landet, som blev ødelagt af krig. Da vinteren begyndte, måtte han og hans far indgå en stort set utilfredsstillende aftale med usbekerne og give territorium væk i bytte for nominel anerkendelse af Mughal -suverænitet. Mughalstyrken led endnu mere med angreb fra usbekere og andre stammefolk, da den trak sig tilbage gennem sneen til Kabul. Ved afslutningen af ​​denne toårige kampagne, som Aurangzeb var blevet kastet i på et sent tidspunkt, var der blevet brugt en enorm sum penge til ringe gevinst. [47]

Yderligere ubekymrede militære engagementer fulgte, da Aurangzeb blev udnævnt til guvernør i Multan og Sindh. Hans bestræbelser i 1649 og 1652 på at fjerne Safavids ved Kandahar, som de for nylig havde taget tilbage efter et årti med Mughal -kontrol, endte begge med fiasko, da vinteren nærmede sig. The logistical problems of supplying an army at the extremity of the empire, combined with the poor quality of armaments and the intransigence of the opposition have been cited by John Richards as the reasons for failure, and a third attempt in 1653, led by Dara Shikoh, met with the same outcome. [48]

Aurangzeb became viceroy of the Deccan again after he was replaced by Dara Shukoh in the attempt to recapture Kandahar. Aurangzeb regretted this and harboured feelings that Shikoh had manipulated the situation to serve his own ends. Aurangbad's two jagirs (land grants) were moved there as a consequence of his return and, because the Deccan was a relatively impoverished area, this caused him to lose out financially. So poor was the area that grants were required from Malwa and Gujarat in order to maintain the administration and the situation caused ill-feeling between father and son. Shah Jahan insisted that things could be improved if Aurangzeb made efforts to develop cultivation. [49] Aurangzeb appointed Murshid Quli Khan [ citat nødvendig ] to extend to the Deccan the zabt revenue system used in northern India. Murshid Quli Khan organised a survey of agricultural land and a tax assessment on what it produced. To increase revenue, Murshid Quli Khan granted loans for seed, livestock, and irrigation infrastructure. The Deccan returned to prosperity, [40] [50]

Aurangzeb proposed to resolve the situation by attacking the dynastic occupants of Golconda (the Qutb Shahis) and Bijapur (the Adil Shahis). As an adjunct to resolving the financial difficulties, the proposal would also extend Mughal influence by accruing more lands. [49] Aurangzeb advanced against the Sultan of Bijapur and besieged Bidar. Det Kiladar (governor or captain) of the fortified city, Sidi Marjan, was mortally wounded when a gunpowder magazine exploded. After twenty-seven days of hard fighting, Bidar was captured by the Mughals and Aurangzeb continued his advance. [51] Again, he was to feel that Dara had exerted influence on his father: believing that he was on the verge of victory in both instances, Aurangzeb was frustrated that Shah Jahan chose then to settle for negotiations with the opposing forces rather than pushing for complete victory. [49]

War of Succession

The four sons of Shah Jahan all held governorships during their father's reign. The emperor favoured the eldest, Dara Shukoh. [52] This had caused resentment among the younger three, who sought at various times to strengthen alliances between themselves and against Dara. There was no Mughal tradition of primogeniture, the systematic passing of rule, upon an emperor's death, to his eldest son. [49] Instead it was customary for sons to overthrow their father and for brothers to war to the death among themselves. [53] Historian Satish Chandra says that "In the ultimate resort, connections among the powerful military leaders, and military strength and capacity [were] the real arbiters". [49] The contest for power was primarily between Dara Shikoh and Aurangzeb because, although all four sons had demonstrated competence in their official roles, it was around these two that the supporting cast of officials and other influential people mostly circulated. [54] There were ideological differences — Dara was an intellectual and a religious liberal in the mould of Akbar, while Aurangzeb was much more conservative — but, as historians Barbara D. Metcalf and Thomas R. Metcalf say, "To focus on divergent philosophies neglects the fact that Dara was a poor general and leader. It also ignores the fact that factional lines in the succession dispute were not, by and large, shaped by ideology." [55] Marc Gaborieau, professor of Indian studies at l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, [56] explains that "The loyalties of [officials and their armed contingents] seem to have been motivated more by their own interests, the closeness of the family relation and above all the charisma of the pretenders than by ideological divides." [53] Muslims and Hindus did not divide along religious lines in their support for one pretender or the other nor, according to Chandra, is there much evidence to support the belief that Jahanara and other members of the royal family were split in their support. Jahanara, certainly, interceded at various times on behalf of all of the princes and was well-regarded by Aurangzeb even though she shared the religious outlook of Dara. [57]

In 1656, a general under Qutb Shahi dynasty named Musa Khan led an army of 12,000 musketeers to attack Aurangzeb, [ hvor? ] and later on the same campaign Aurangzeb, in turn, rode against an army consisting 8,000 horsemen and 20,000 Karnataka musketeers. [58]

Having made clear that he wanted Dara to succeed him, Shah Jahan became ill with stranguary in 1657 and was closeted under the care of his favourite son in the newly built city of Shahjahanabad (Old Delhi). Rumours of the death of Shah Jahan abounded and the younger sons were concerned that Dara might be hiding it for Machiavellian reasons. Thus, they took action: Shah Shuja In Bengal, where he had been governor since 1637, Prince Muhammad Shuja crowned himself King at RajMahal, and brought his cavalry, artillery and river flotilla upriver towards Agra. Near Varanasi his forces confronted a defending army sent from Delhi under the command of Prince Sulaiman Shukoh, son of Dara Shukoh, and Raja Jai Singh [59] while Murad did the same in his governorship of Gujarat and Aurangzeb did so in the Deccan. It is not known whether these preparations were made in the mistaken belief that the rumours of death were true or whether the challengers were just taking advantage of the situation. [49]

After regaining some of his health, Shah Jahan moved to Agra and Dara urged him to send forces to challenge Shah Shuja and Murad, who had declared themselves rulers in their respective territories. While Shah Shuja was defeated at Banares in February 1658, the army sent to deal with Murad discovered to their surprise that he and Aurangzeb had combined their forces, [57] the two brothers having agreed to partition the empire once they had gained control of it. [60] The two armies clashed at Dharmat in April 1658, with Aurangzeb being the victor. Shuja was being chased through Bihar and the victory of Aurangzeb proved this to be a poor decision by Dara Shikoh, who now had a defeated force on one front and a successful force unnecessarily pre-occupied on another. Realising that his recalled Bihar forces would not arrive at Agra in time to resist the emboldened Aurangzeb's advance, Dara scrambled to form alliances in order but found that Aurangzeb had already courted key potential candidates. When Dara's disparate, hastily concocted army clashed with Aurangzeb's well-disciplined, battle-hardened force at the Battle of Samugarh in late May, neither Dara's men nor his generalship were any match for Aurangzeb. Dara had also become over-confident in his own abilities and, by ignoring advice not to lead in battle while his father was alive, he cemented the idea that he had usurped the throne. [57] "After the defeat of Dara, Shah Jahan was imprisoned in the fort of Agra where he spent eight long years under the care of his favourite daughter Jahanara." [61]

Aurangzeb then broke his arrangement with Murad Baksh, which probably had been his intention all along. [60] Instead of looking to partition the empire between himself and Murad, he had his brother arrested and imprisoned at Gwalior Fort. Murad was executed on 4 December 1661, ostensibly for the murder of the diwan of Gujarat sometime earlier. The allegation was encouraged by Aurangzeb, who caused the diwan's son to seek retribution for the death under the principles of Sharia law. [62] Meanwhile, Dara gathered his forces, and moved to the Punjab. The army sent against Shuja was trapped in the east, its generals Jai Singh and Dilir Khan submitted to Aurangzeb, but Dara's son, Suleiman Shikoh, escaped. Aurangzeb offered Shah Shuja the governorship of Bengal. This move had the effect of isolating Dara Shikoh and causing more troops to defect to Aurangzeb. Shah Shuja, who had declared himself emperor in Bengal began to annex more territory and this prompted Aurangzeb to march from Punjab with a new and large army that fought during the Battle of Khajwa, where Shah Shuja and his chain-mail armoured war elephants were routed by the forces loyal to Aurangzeb. Shah Shuja then fled to Arakan (in present-day Burma), where he was executed by the local rulers. [63]

With Shuja and Murad disposed of, and with his father immured in Agra, Aurangzeb pursued Dara Shikoh, chasing him across the north-western bounds of the empire. Aurangzeb claimed that Dara was no longer a Muslim [ citat nødvendig ] and accused him of poisoning the Mughal Grand Vizier Saadullah Khan. After a series of battles, defeats and retreats, Dara was betrayed by one of his generals, who arrested and bound him. In 1658, Aurangzeb arranged his formal coronation in Delhi.

On 10 August 1659, Dara was executed on grounds of apostasy and his head was sent to Shahjahan. [61] Having secured his position, Aurangzeb confined his frail father at the Agra Fort but did not mistreat him. Shah Jahan was cared for by Jahanara and died in 1666. [60]


In India, the Mughal Empire was one of the greatest empires ever. The Mughal Empire ruled hundreds of millions of people. India became united under one rule, and had very prosperous cultural and political years during the Mughal rule. There were many Muslim and Hindu kingdoms split all throughout India until the founders of the Mughal Empire came. There were some men such as Babar, grandson to the Great Asian conqueror Tamerlane and the conqueror Genghis Khan from the northern region of Ganges, river valley, who decided to take over Khyber, and eventually, all of India.

Babar (1526-1530):
the great grandson of Tamerlane and Genghis Khan, was the first Mughal emperor in India. He confronted and defeated Lodhi in 1526 at the first battle of Panipat, and so came to establish the Mughal Empire in India. Babar ruled until 1530, and was succeeded by his son Humayun.

Humayun (1530-1540 and 1555-1556):
the eldest son of Babar, succeeded his father and became the second emperor of the Mughal Empire. He ruled India for nearly a decade but was ousted by Sher Shah Suri, the Afghan ruler. Humayun wandered for about 15 years after his defeat. Meanwhile, Sher Shah Suri died and Humayun was able to defeat his successor, Sikandar Suri and regain his crown of the Hindustan. However, soon after, he died in 1556 at a young age of 48 years.

Sher Shah Suri (1540-1545):
was an Afghan leader who took over the Mughal Empire after defeating Humayun in 1540. Sher Shah occupied the throne of Delhi for not more than five years, but his reign proved to be a landmark in the Sub-continent. As a king, he has several achievements in his credit. He established an efficient public administration. He set up a revenue collection system based on the measurement of land. Justice was provided to the common man. Numerous civil works were carried out during his short reign planting of trees, wells and building of Sarai (inns) for travellers was done. Roads were laid it was under his rule that the Grand Trunk road from Delhi to Kabul was built. The currency was also changed to finely minted silver coins called Dam. However, Sher Shah did not survive long after his accession on the throne and died in 1545 after a short reign of five years.

Akbar (1556-1605):
Humayun's heir, Akbar, was born in exile and was only 13 years old when his father died. Akbar's reign holds a certain prominence in history he was the ruler who actually fortified the foundations of the Mughal Empire. After a series of conquests, he managed to subdue most of India. Areas not under the empire were designated as tributaries. He also adopted a conciliatory policy towards the Rajputs, hence reducing any threat from them. Akbar was not only a great conqueror, but a capable organizer and a great administrator as well. He set up a host of institutions that proved to be the foundation of an administrative system that operated even in British India. Akbar's rule also stands out due to his liberal policies towards the non-Muslims, his religious innovations, the land revenue system and his famous Mansabdari system. Akbar's Mansabdari system became the basis of Mughal military organization and civil administration.

Akbar died in 1605, nearly 50 years after his ascension to the throne, and was buried outside of Agra at Sikandra. His son Jehangir then assumed the throne.

Jehangir:
Akbar was succeeded by his son, Salim, who took the title of Jehangir, meaning "Conqueror of the World". He married Mehr-un-Nisa whom he gave the title of Nur Jahan (light of the world). He loved her with blind passion and handed over the complete reins of administration to her. He expanded the empire through the addition of Kangra and Kistwar and consolidated the Mughal rule in Bengal. Jehangir lacked the political enterprise of his father Akbar. But he was an honest man and a tolerant ruler. He strived to reform society and was tolerant towards Hindus, Christians and Jews. However, relations with Sikhs were strained, and the fifth of the ten Sikh gurus, Arjun Dev, was executed at Jehangir's orders for giving aid and comfort to Khusrau, Jehangir's rebellious son. Art, literature, and architecture prospered under Jehangir's rule, and the Mughal gardens in Srinagar remain an enduring testimony to his artistic taste. He died in 1627.

Shah Jahan:
Jehangir was succeeded by his second son Khurram in 1628. Khurram took the name of Shah Jahan, i.e. the Emperor of the World. He further expanded his Empire to Kandhar in the north and conquered most of Southern India. The Mughal Empire was at its zenith during Shah Jahan's rule. This was due to almost 100 years of unparalleled prosperity and peace. As a result, during this reign, the world witnessed the unique development of arts and culture of the Mughal Empire. Shah Jahan has been called the "architect king". The Red Fort and the Jama Masjid, both in Delhi, stand out as towering achievements of both civil engineering and art. Yet above all else, Shah Jahan is remembered today for the Taj Mahal, the massive white marble mausoleum constructed for his wife Mumtaz Mahal along the banks of the Yamuna River in Agra.

Aurangzeb:
Aurangzeb ascended the throne in 1658 and ruled supreme till 1707. Thus Aurangzeb ruled for 50 years, matching Akbar's reign in longevity. But unfortunately he kept his five sons away from the royal court with the result that none of them was trained in the art of government. This proved to be very damaging for the Mughals later on. During his 50 years of rule, Aurangzeb tried to fulfill his ambition of bringing the entire Sub-continent under one rule. It was under him that the Mughal Empire reached its peak in matter of area. He worked hard for years but his health broke down in the end. He left behind no personal wealth when he died in 1707, at the age of 90 years. With his death, the forces of disintegration set in and the mighty Mughal empire started collapsing.


A history of Mughal-Rajput relations between the 16th and early 17th centuries

To understand the history of Mughal-Rajput relations we must understand the history of three dynasties who would come to dominate the Northern part of the Indian subcontinent between the 16th, 17th and early 18th centuries. To begin with we must take a look at the Mughals.

At the time when Babur first contemplated the idea of invading India he had already conquered Kabul. Zahir-ud-din Mohammed Babur, was the eldest of Umar Sheikh Mirza, who was governor of Ferghana, which is a region in eastern Uzbekistan. Babur was by lineage the great-great grandson of Timur. Babur's early military career was full of frustrations. Born in 1483, he had assumed the Throne of his father at age 12, in the year 1494. He conquered Samarkand two years later, only to lose Fergana soon after. In his attempts to reconquer Fergana, he lost control of Samarkand. In 1501, his attempt to recapture both the regions failed when Muhammad Shaybani Khan the founder of the Shaybanid dynasty, defeated him. He conquered Kabul, in 1504, after having being driven away from his patrimony and homeland. He formed an alliance with the Safavid Shah Ismail I, to take parts of Turkestan as well as Samarkand itself only to lose them again to the Shaybanids.

Hence, he had decided to give up on the dreams of taking back Ferghana and Samarkand and set his eyes on North India. At the time he had only thought of conquering the Punjab region. A task he accomplished in his second campaign in 1525, after a short campaign in 1519. Thus, at this juncture, we the political situation in North India was ripe for conflict and power changes. In Punjab, Babur prepared for a march towards Delhi to take it and all the realms under the rule of the Lodi Dynasty from Ibrahim Lodi who was currently the sultan of the Delhi Sultanate, whose own relatives, Daulat Khan Lodi and Alauddin had invited Babur to invade the Delhi Sultanate. Under the Lodi Dynasty the Sultanate had lost most of its eastern and southern as well as western territories and Ibrahim ruled over merely the Upper Gangetic plains. Meanwhile, a third contender for power and perhaps bigger threat to Babur's rise was looming in the Rajputana, in the form of the Rajput Confederacy, which was the first of its kind since the reign of Prithviraj Chauhan. This Confederacy was formed under the auspicious leadership of Rana Sangram Singh, of House Sisodiya of Mewar which had risen in prestige and power at the cost of neighbouring Malwa and Gujurati Sultanates during the reign of Rana Sangram other wise known as Rana Sanga.

The following events are well known, Babur defeated the Lodis at Panipat and then faced the Rajputs at Khanwa in 1527. However after his victories at Chanderi and at Ghaghra, he soon died leaving the Empire to his son Humayun whose reign was turbulent and prospects uncertain until his son Akbar assumed the Throne.

Now let us look at the Sisodias of Mewar. This house of Rajputs traces it's origins from the legendary Suryavnshi lineage. But while records to back up such claims are obviously questionable, the historical foundation of this dynasty lies in the rise of Rana Hammir Singh, the founder of the Sisodiya Cadet Branch of the Guhila dynasty. The Guhila dynasty was extinguished by Alauddin Khalji after he besieged and conquered Chittor in 1303, their capital. But Rana Hammir Singh had taken back Chittor and since then reclaimed control of the region and re-established the dynasty under its cadet branch of the Sisodias by 1326. Owing to the legendary exploits of their kings and being one of the few Hindu noble houses that had remained independent during the successive reigns of various dynasties at the helm of the Delhi Sultanate, the House of Mewar carried weight amongst Rajput nobility.

Apart from Rana Hammir Singh, two rulers in particular, Rana Kumbharna Singh (1433-1468) and his great grandson Rana Sangram Singh (1508-1528), had raised the prestige of the House of Mewar to astronomical heights by not only defeating neighbouring Sultanates in Gujurat, Nagaur, Delhi and Malwa, but infact under the reign of Rana Sangram, actually conquering Gujurat and Malwa. Therefore, by 1526, most Rajput states had formed a Confederacy under the leadership of Rana Sanga. Ofcourse, following his defeat the Confederacy fell apart and while the house of Mewar still held a high place on the Rajput and indeed the Indian sociopolitical stage, there would never again be such a untied political front offered by the Rajputs.

In terms of the motivations and objectives of the Confederacy, it could be said that the Confederacy was buoyed together towards the political wills of the Rana of Mewar. Rana Sanga had made a policy to attack and acquire the territories of his kingdom's old enemies such as the Sultanates of Delhi, Gujurat, Nagaur and Malwa, and at the same time remove any traces of Turkic or Afghan dominion in North India. Therefore, it would be safe to say that had Babur not invaded Delhi and taken the Upper Ganga Valley, the Rana would have quite soon. Among the many noble houses that had joined the Rajput Confederacy was the next dynasty which will complete the puzzle to understanding the key players in North India and Mughal-Rajput history.

This was the Kachwahas of Amber. This dynasty claimed it's descent from the son Kush of the legendary King Rama of Ayodhya. Their ancestors allegedly migrated from Rama's kingdom of Kosala and established a new dynasty at Gwalior. After 31 generations, they moved to Rajputana and created a kingdom at Dhundhar. Dullah Rai, one of the ancestors of the Kachwaha rulers, defeated the Meenas of Manchi and Amber and later completed the conquest of Dhundhar by defeating the Bargurjars of Dausa and Deoti. However, in the early 16th century, they were conquered and vassalised by the Rathore ruler Maldeo of the kingdom of Marwar.

In 1527, the ruler of Amber who had joined the Rajput Confederacy was Prithviraj Singh I. Prithviraj had fought at Khanwa and like Rana Sanga, died soon afterwards, being succeeded by his son Puranmal. After Puranmal's succession, which was quite controversial, the Kachwaha domain became unstable over disputes regarding the succession of Puranmal to the Throne. This problem was only further exacerbated by neighbouring Rajput kingdoms that sought to capitalise on the situation. While accounts about Puranmal seeking the aid of Humayun are varying and quite contradictory we know for sure that after Puranmal, his brother Bhim Singh assumed the Throne. Bhim only reigned three and a half years before dying on 22 July 1537. He was succeeded in quick succession by two sons, Ratan Singh and Askaran, before the throne eventually passed to his younger brother Bharmal in 1548.

It is here that we arrive at a crucial juncture in Mughal-Rajput relations. In Mewar, the reigns were assumed by the 4th son of Rana Sanga, Maharana Udai Singh II, under whose reign the capital of Chittor was lost to Akbar in 1568 and the capital was shifted to Udaipur. Here his son, Maharana Pratap assumed the Throne after Udai died in 1572. Meanwhile, Akbar had overthrown his guardian Bairam Khan who had grown too ambitious and controlling and at the age of 18, the young Baadshaah of the Mughal Empire removed Bairam from service and continued his expeditions by directly controlling all affairs from 1560 onwards. Meanwhile, in 1562, the situation became critical for the Kachwahas of Amber when Mirza Muhammad Sharaf-ud-din Hussain was appointed Mughal governor of Mewat. Mirza led a large army to Amber which Bharmal could not resist. Mirza forced the Kachwahas to leave Amber and live in forests and hills. Bharmal promised a fixed tribute to Mirza and handed over his own son, Jagannath, and his nephews, Raj Singh and Khangar Singh, as hostages for its due payment. When Sharaf-ud-din was preparing to invade Amber again, Bharmal met Akbar's courtier, Chaghtai Khan. Fortunately, for Bharmal, Akbar was at Karavali (a village near Agra) on his way from Agra to Ajmer (on a pilgrimage to the dargah of Khwaja Moinuddin Chisti). Bharmal himself met Akbar at his camp at Sanganer on 20 January 1562. Here, Bharmal proposed a marriage between Akbar and his eldest daughter Hira Kunwari. Therefore, when Akbar agreed, the Kachwahas were now relatives of Akbar, Bharmal was his father-in-law and was on par with the highest Muslim nobles of the Empire. Hence, Sharaf-ud-din Mirza, returned to Bharmal his lands and relatives and in the following years, the Kachwahas rendered unwavering service to the Mughals while they themselves enjoyed the highest salaries, status and prestige the Empire had to offer.

Hence, The House of Mewar, still held in the highest esteem by all Rajput nobility was in a period of decline and The House of Amber had united with the Mughals. Raja Bharmal was succeeded by his son Raja Bhagwant Das in 1574. He served as Akbar's General and was awarded a rank or mansab of 5000 along with the title of Amir-ul-Umra. He fought battles in Punjab, Kashmir where he decisively defeated the Kashmiri King Yousuf Shah Chak and Afghanistan as well and he held the governorship of Kabul. His daughter Manbhawati Bai was married off to the Mughal Prince and future Emperor Jehangir. He died in 1589 being succeeded by his son Raja Man Singh.

Raja Man Singh, assumed the Throne of Amber in 1589, but he had served with distinction at the Battle of Haldighati 1576 against the Maharana of Mewar, Maharana Pratap in a legendary battle, and in other campaigns as well. The reason why Akbar wanted to conquer Rajputana and especially Mewar was because with Mewar and the Rajputs at his flanks, his empire would never be secure, a fact he had learned by learning about the experiences of the Delhi Sultanate and their fruitless tussle with the Sisodiya dynasty. Yet, in his lifetime, Akbar could not conquer Mewar. Even after being defeated at Haldighati, where his army of 3000-4000 Rajputs and allied Bhils (400 men approx.), was defeated by Man Singh who commanded the Imperial Mughal Army roughly 8000-10,000 in numbers, Pratap Singh endured and by the end of his reign, he scored a decisive victory against the Mughals at Dewair in 1582 and took back Western Mewar including Kumbhalgarh, Udaipur and Gogunda through guerilla warfare and even destroyed newly built mosques in these regions in retaliation. He died in 1597.

After his death, his son Maharana Amar Singh I (r. 1597-1620) assumed the Throne and followed his father's policy of resisting Mughal overlordship. Amar Singh continued to resist the Mughals and it was clear that he could not be taken in a battle, so Mewar was devastated financially and in manpower due to the policy of Shah Jahan (son of Jahangir, Jahangir had become Emperor in 1605 after Akbar's death) , to scorch the lands of Mewar and make it incapable of supporting the efforts of Amar Singh. Finally, in 1615, Amar Singh submitted to the Mughals. Mewar including Chittor was assigned to him as Watan Jagir or hereditary patrimony. He secured a favourable peace treaty and it was ensured that Mewar would never bend his knee to the Mughal Emperors or serve at his court personally nor would the House of Mewar enter into matrimonial relations with the Mughals.

Hence, we see a clear policy emerging from the Mughals towards the Rajputs since the reign of Akbar. The first, religious tolerance and engagement at a political level, treating them as warriors and nobles on par with the Iranis or Turks in the Imperial service. The second, realising that the prestige of Mewar and the potential of the Rajputs uniting once again was an ever present threat and therefore it was better to assuage them. Third, following a policy of providing high posts and port folios to Rajput nobles who allied or accepted Mughal suzerainty. Fourth, matrimonial relations were never the prerequisite for such alliances as many Rajputs had previously simply accepted Mughal suzerainty and had acquired high posts for themselves.

Now in terms of contemporary social perceptions of such events,the attitudes in Rajputana and in general accross North India were shaped by the actions and decisions of the Rajput houses of Mewar and Amber. While Mewar only grew in prestige as the last stronghold and symbol of strength and resistance for the more conservative elements in Hindu society, the House of Amber was universally recognised as a house which produced some of the finest administrators and generals the Empire would ever know. And yet, the more conservative elements in Hindu society saw the House of Amber as traitors, ofcourse such opinions were never discussed in front of the Amber Rajas.

Until the reign of Aurangzeb, the Rajputs were more or less, united under the Mughal cause. The Kings Of Amber, fought and led expeditions as far west and Afghanistan and Qandahar and as east as Bengal and Odissa. Here are a few examples of their exploits :

In 1585, Man Singh I was sent to conquer Afghanistan and silence the rebels there. Man Singh decisively defeated five major tribes of the Afghans including Yusufzai and "Mandar" tribes. The flag of Amber was changed from "Katchanar" (green climber in white base) to "Pachranga" (five colored) to commemorate this victory. This flag continued in use until accession of Jaipur state in India. This permanently crushed the revolt and the area remained peaceful thereafter.

In 1586 CE, Akbar sent another army under Raja Bhagwant Das, father of Prince Man Singh I to win Kashmir. Kashmir was included in the Mughal Empire and made a Sarkar (district) of Kabul province.

Man Singh I also conquered Bihar in similar fashion. Abul Fazl has described Man Singhs campaign in Bihar in the following words. "The Raja united ability with courage and genius with strenuous action".

Man Singh after conquering Bihar was ordered to defeat the Afghan Sultan Qatlu Khan Lohani of Orissa, Man Singh set out for Orissa on April 1590. By 1592, Odissa was also conquered by him.

His grandson Jai Singh I (r. 1621 - 1667), was another great General of the Mughal Empire. He was the second Raja to receive the title Mirza Raja, the first being his grandfather Man Singh I who received it from Akbar. During his career he served first in the Deccan, subduing the Gonds and then in Central Asia, fighting at Kandahar in the Mughal-Safavid wars and at Balkh.

Jai Singh, who had begun his own military career in the Deccan, was then appointed to lead a 14,000 strong army against Shivaji. And in 1665, he forced Shivaji to sign the Treaty of Purandar being the only noble in the Empire to subdue the Maratha King. Although the opportunity his victories provided were made meaningless thanks to Aurangzeb's inability to compromise on his orthodox beliefs and accept Shivaji into his court with proper honours.

In conclusion, until the reign of Aurangzeb, whose interference into the succession matters of Rajput states, a matter which was left to the Rajputs by Akbar himself, the Rajputs, especially the house of Amber, continued to serve the Empire with loyalty and distinction. Both to serve the interests of the Empire and the interests of their own houses and kingdoms as well.

"A History of Jaipur" by Sir Jadunath Sarkar

"Shivaji and His Times" By Jadunath Sarkar

" Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals (1206–1526) Part 2" by Satish Chandra

"Akbarnama" by Abu'l-Fazl ibn Mubarak, Henry Beveridge (Trans.)

"A Military History of India" by Sir Jadunath Sarkar

"History and Culture of the Indian People Volume VII : The Mughal Empire" by R.C Majumdar


Islamic Calligraphy & Textiles

The textile industry thrived during Aurangzeb’s reign. It employed hundreds of artisans across South Asia, who created intricate works of silk and brocade. Turbans, carpets, shawls, and other finely embroidered textiles were highly valued. Some were even exported to Europe through trading channels. Aurangzeb also patronized Islamic calligraphy and was himself an accomplished calligraphist.

The Decline of Mughal Arts under Aurangzeb: Floor spread, ca. 18th century, Mughal Empire (India) © LACMA, Los Angeles, CA, USA.

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Token status of the Mughal throne - History

In South Asia today, we see Muslim and Hindu cultures as worlds apart, but this was not always the case in the history of the Subcontinent.

Recently, I read a section of the Akbarnama (Tale of Akbar) where both Hindu and Muslim astrologers were asked to cast the Emperor Akbar’s horoscope. Though I did not bat an eyelid at such an occurrence, I was reminded of a comment made by a student in Pakistan five years ago that has stayed with me ever since: “Mughal badshah asal mein mussalmaan nahin thhe, is liay unko Hinduon say koi masla nahin tha.” [The Mughals had no problem with Hindus since they were not really Muslims.]

Neither at the time nor now do I fault my student for this comment. My student was merely echoing a pervasive viewpoint from his social context far removed from my own intellectual world.

Collaboration and intimacy between Hindus and Muslims is a settled issue amongst Mughal historians, even as communalist politics continues to unsettle South Asia today. However, research findings by Mughal historians are often inaccessible to the public, especially in Pakistan, due to limited resources and avenues for history, education and public discourse. To bridge this gap, here is a viewpoint based on evidence and conclusions from decades of research by Mughal historians in North America, Europe and India.

The Mughals were Muslim rulers who saw no contradiction but sought peace and prosperity in collaboration and intimacy with Hindus and other faith communities. The Mughal state was neither secular nor was Islam its sole state religion. The temptation of imposing the categories of modern South Asian states on the pre-modern past should be avoided.

Decades of research by Mughal historians have established collaboration and intimacy between Hindus and Muslims, even as communalist politics unsettles South Asia today

The Mughals identified as Muslims alongside employing, marrying, and engaging those from other faith communities. They sponsored and participated in rituals and festivals we today associate with Hindus, Zoroastrians and other faiths. This political philosophy was called sulh-i kull (peace with all).

As Muslim rulers, why did the Mughals have no problem with Hindus? There are at least three explanations offered across research in Mughal history:

1) The Mughals became Indian. The first Mughal, Babur, was curious about India’s society and environment, yet nostalgic for his home in Central Asia. Babur particularly longed for Ferghana Valley’s famous peaches, as illustrated by Stephen F. Dale in The Garden of the Eight Paradises. Two generations later, his grandson Akbar was at home in India. He married Hindu Rajput women and made India his emotional world. Akbar requested his court poet Faizi specifically for a story about love in India, leading to the first Persian translation of the Nal Daman, according to historian Muzaffar Alam.

Akbar’s grandson Shah Jahan was three-quarter Rajput by blood. Less than two hundred years later, the last Mughal ruler, Bahadur Shah Zafar II, lamented the loss of his homeland, India, while in exile in Burma in his famous verse: lagta nahin hai dil mera ujrray dayaar mein/Kis ki bani hai ‘aalam-i-na-payedaar mein (My heart has no repose in this isolated valley/ Who has gotten by in a futile world).

Alongside becoming Indian, the Mughals saw no conflict in being of Central Asian origin and also located themselves within broader Persianate and Islamic realms. Azfar Moin has shown in his 2012 work, The Millennial Sovereign, that Mongol descent was key for Mughal claims to divine kingship at the turn of the Islamic millenium. In a recent book, Persianate Selves, Mana Kia illustrates that scholars at the Mughal court saw themselves as part of a shared Persianate geography, transcending the modern national constructions of Iran, India, Afghanistan and Central Asia. Trade, pilgrimage and knowledge provided continued links between the Mughals, their successor states and the larger Islamic world, as several works by Nile Green attest and the forthcoming works of Rishad Choudhury and Usman Hamid will demonstrate. All four identities — Indian, Central Asian, Persianate and Islamic — were hence claimed by the Mughals, without the contestations we would encounter today.

2) Religious difference with Hindus was not a political faultline for the Mughals or preceding Muslim rulers. The Mughals did not view Hindus as their political rivals by virtue of their religion. Mughal rule was characterised by long-lasting curiosity and respect for Indian knowledge systems, alongside collaborative governance with Hindus and other faith communities. On many occasions, the lines of difference were even blurred, as we shall see below. Books in recent years by Audrey Truschke and Rajeev Kinra convincingly show that both Sanskrit knowledge and Brahmin bureaucrats had a high status at the Mughal court. Akbar’s finance minister, Raja Todar Mal, was valued for bringing the best practices of the Rajputs to shape Mughal economic policies.

Aurangzeb’s conflict with Rajput nobles was not religiously motivated, as M. Athar Ali successfully demonstrates in his 1966 book The Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb. Rather, Aurangzeb redistributed administrative assignments from the Rajputs to a rising local nobility in the Deccan in order to consolidate his political power. Munis D. Faruqui shows in his 2012 book The Princes of the Mughal Empire 1504–1719 that, for Mughal princes, strengthening local alliances through collaboration and marriage proved to be a make-or-break factor as they contended for the Mughal throne.

Historians have also successfully challenged the notion that mediaeval Muslim conquests of India occurred to wipe out infidels. In A Book of Conquest, Mannan Ahmed Asif argues that the arrival of Muhammad bin Qasim did not obliterate local practices but rather Islamic and Indic political ethics converged in mediaeval Sindh. Earlier, Romila Thapar demonstrates that the looting of Hindu temples was a financially-motivated practice of mediaeval warfare amongst Hindus and Muslims, often to pay mercenary soldiers from temple treasuries. The looting of the Somnath temple by Mahmud of Ghazni in 1026 was, by no means, an exceptional act of violence by a Muslim invader.

3) Islam in Mughal and mediaeval India took many shapes in conversation and contact with a range of local beliefs and practices. Several historians have written about inter-religious and inter-sectarian exchange under the Mughals and in earlier periods. Historian Supriya Gandhi has shown in The Emperor Who Never Was that Dara Shikoh’s political philosophy and personal spirituality were constituted by both Sufi and Vedantic ideas. This was part of a longer tradition of dialogue on philosophical and ethical concerns, between different faith communities at the Mughal court as the work of Corinne Lefevre on the Majalis-i Jahangiri illustrates.

Similarly, there is emerging evidence of Shia and Sunni intellectual collaboration alongside theological debate in Mughal India, as well as interconnections between Sufism and Islamic law. In An Indian Economic & Social History Review, Ali Anooshahr has recently shown that a steady stream of Shia and Sunni scholars from Iran and Central Asia arrived at Mughal and regional courts. A notable example is Mir Fathullah Shirazi, who developed military cannons and contributed to astronomy, law and financial administration. In his forthcoming work, Daniel Jacobius Morgan shows the interconnection between Shariah-minded legalism and Sufi mysticism, through the works of Shah Waliullah’s family.

Moving beyond the Mughal context, in Monsoon Islam, Sebastian Prange illuminates how mediaeval Muslim communities on the Malabar Coast forged varying traditions from other regions in South Asia, based on trade and the environment. In a study from an even earlier period, Finbarr B. Flood illustrates, through changes in architecture, objects and coins, that mediaeval Muslim cultures in South Asia assumed distinct forms based on encounters with regional Hindu and Buddhist practices.

Decades of research on Mughal and mediaeval history disprove an increasingly pervasive viewpoint of cultural incompatibility and religious difference amongst Muslims and Hindus. This misperception was initially perpetuated by colonial policies and solidified by South Asia’s many partitions.

Unfortunately, this misperception has been further strengthened by anti-Muslim sentiments and policies across the border in Modi’s India. Perhaps, the next time nationalists attempt to halt the construction of a Hindu temple in Pakistan or Muslims are maligned and killed for beef consumption and temples are constructed on razed mosque sites in India, we can turn to our shared Mughal past as an alternative model for Muslim-Hindu relations.

Mariam Sabri is a PhD Candidate at the University of California Berkeley, specialising in Mughal history and the history of science


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