William Seward

William Seward


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

William Seward (1801-1872) var en politiker, der tjente som guvernør i New York, som en amerikansk senator og som udenrigsminister under borgerkrigen (1861-65). Seward tilbragte sin tidlige karriere som advokat, inden han vandt et sæde i New York State Senat i 1830. En ivrig afskaffelse, Seward fungerede senere som New Yorks 12. guvernør og derefter som medlem af det amerikanske senat, hvor han etablerede sig som en førende anti -slaveri aktivist. Efter at have mislykkedes i et bud fra 1860 på den republikanske præsidentnominering, blev Seward udnævnt til udenrigsminister i Abraham Lincolns kabinet. Han ville til sidst blive en af ​​Lincolns nærmeste rådgivere under borgerkrigen og hjælpe med at sikre, at Europa ikke anerkendte konføderationen som en suveræn nation. Seward fortsatte med at tjene som udenrigsminister under præsident Andrew Johnson og forhandlede i 1867 køb af Alaska fra russerne. Han døde i 1872 i en alder af 71 år.

William Seward: Tidligt liv

William Henry Seward blev født i Florida, New York, den 16. maj 1801. Seward gik på Union College i Schenectady, New York, startende i 1816, og i 1819 tilbragte han en kort periode som skolelærer i Georgien. Han tog eksamen fra Union College i 1820 og studerede jura, før han blev optaget i baren i 1822. Seward flyttede til Auburn, New York, i 1822 og blev partner i advokatpraksis for dommer Elijah Miller. I 1824 giftede han sig med Millers datter, Frances Adeline Miller. De to ville senere få fem børn og en adoptivdatter.

Seward oplevede succes som advokat, men fandt sig selv tiltrukket af politik. I 1830 blev han valgt til New York State Senat som medlem af Anti-Masonic Party, en politisk fraktion, der modsatte sig de hemmelighedsfulde frimurere. Seward blev senere et førende medlem af Whig Party, men blev forsvarligt besejret, da han stillede op til guvernør i New York i 1834. Han trak sig derefter tilbage fra politik og tilbragte flere år med at praktisere jura og arbejdede for Holland Land Company, et syndikat af hollandske investorer, der havde købt store jordområder i det vestlige New York.

William Seward: Politisk karriere

Ved hjælp af Thurlow Weed, en fremtrædende journalist og tæt politisk allieret, vendte Seward senere tilbage til politik. I 1838 blev han valgt til guvernør i New York som Whig. Seward tjente to valgperioder og tilbragte meget af sin administration i fængselsreform, forbedringer af infrastrukturen og forbedring af statens uddannelsessystem. Som en stærk afskaffelsesmand talte han også imod slaveri og forårsagede en mindre kontrovers i 1839, da han nægtede at udlevere en gruppe sorte flygtninge til Virginia.

Efter at have forladt sit embede i 1842 befandt Seward sig dybt i gæld og blev tvunget til at dedikere sig til sin advokatpraksis. Han vendte tilbage til politik i 1849, da Whigs i New York -lovgiver valgte ham til det amerikanske senat. Under sin embedsperiode i Senatet blev Seward en førende antislaveraktivist. Han var en af ​​de fremmeste kritikere af kompromiset fra 1850, en gruppe foranstaltninger, der strammede den flygtige slavelov og opretholdt slavehandelen i Syd. Under en tale på senatets etage udtalte Seward berømt, at slaveri var en umoralsk praksis og argumenterede for, at der eksisterede "en højere lov end forfatningen."

Seward blev genvalgt til senatet i 1855 og sluttede sig senere til det republikanske parti efter Whigs opløsning. Selvom han havde ambitioner om formandskabet, hindrede Sewards udtalte karakter og mangel på partiloyalitet ofte hans politiske fremgang. I slutningen af ​​1850'erne fortsatte han med at være højlydt i sin modstand mod slaveri, og han skræmte mange af sine allierede, da han beskrev den kommende borgerkrig som en "uoprettelig konflikt." Mens han håbede at vinde den republikanske nominering til præsident i 1860, brugte Seward det meste af 1859 på at rejse gennem Europa og Mellemøsten. Hans støtte i partiet faldt, og han mistede nomineringen til Abraham Lincoln i maj 1860.

William Seward: Udenrigsminister

I december 1860 accepterede Seward en udnævnelse til at tjene som udenrigsminister i kabinettet for den valgte præsident Abraham Lincoln. Mens Seward først var i tvivl om Lincolns politiske skarpsindighed, indgik de to snart et effektivt partnerskab, og Lincoln ignorerede senere radikale republikanske opfordringer til at fjerne Seward fra embedet.

Seward tilbragte de første måneder af sin embedsperiode i en desperat indsats for at bevare Unionen og undgå borgerkrig. I håb om at sikre, at de usikre grænsestater forblev sympatiske for Unionen, advarede han Lincoln mod at bruge magt under belejringen ved Fort Sumter i South Carolina. Efter starten på fjendtlighederne og Lincolns suspension af skriften for habeas corpus tog Seward på sig at se, at formodede konfødererede sympatisører i nord blev anholdt og tilbageholdt.

Sewards primære bekymring under krigen var at sikre, at Europas nationer ikke tilbød hjælp til oprøret. Under det, der blev kendt som Trent Affair, var han med til at udjævne spændingerne med Storbritannien, efter at den amerikanske flåde beslaglagde to konfødererede udsendinger fra et britisk skib. Seward forhandlede senere Lyons-Seward-traktaten fra 1862 med den britiske ambassadør Richard Lyons, hvilket hjalp med at hindre den atlantiske slavehandel ved at give de amerikanske og britiske flåder ret til at søge efter skibe, der syntes at bære afrikanske slaver. Seward havde også hyppige kontakter med den franske kejser Napoleon III. Mens Seward snævert forhindrede franskmændene i at anerkende konføderationen, var han ude af stand til at stoppe kejseren fra at oprette et monarki i Mexico i 1864.

Nær slutningen af ​​borgerkrigen blev Seward næsten dræbt som en del af det plot, der resulterede i Lincolns attentat. Natten til den 14. april 1865 angreb en tidligere konfødereret soldat ved navn Lewis Powell Seward - der lå i sengen efter en ulykke - og stak ham flere gange med en bowiekniv. Seward overlevede snævert forsøget på hans liv og brugte flere uger på at komme sig efter sår i nakken og ansigtet.

William Seward: Johnson Administration og senere liv

I juni 1865 vendte Seward tilbage til tjeneste som udenrigsminister under præsident Andrew Johnson. I løbet af denne tid var han medvirkende til bestræbelserne på at reintegrere syden i USA. Sewards iver efter at genforene landet gav ham megen kritik fra sine tidligere republikanske allierede, der mente, at hans holdning til genopbygning var for mild.

I 1867 pressede Seward den franske regering til at opgive sin besættelse af Mexico og beskæftigede sig senere med stigende amerikansk kommerciel aktivitet i udlandet. Seward var dedikeret til at udvide Amerikas territoriale besiddelser og foretog en række abortive forsøg på at købe jord i Stillehavet og Caribien. Sewards eneste store succes i denne henseende kom i 1867, da han forhandlede køb af Alaska fra Rusland for 7,2 millioner dollars i guld. Selvom opkøbet af Alaska senere viste sig at være en bemærkelsesværdig investering, blev det dengang ofte spottende kendt som "Seward's Folly."

Seward forlod kontoret i 1869 efter indvielsen af ​​præsident Ulysses S. Grant. Han ville bruge sine sidste år på at rejse, begyndende med ture til det vestlige USA, Alaska og Mexico. Seward rejste derefter rundt i verden og besøgte Fjernøsten og Europa, inden han vendte tilbage til New York i 1871. Han døde i 1872 i en alder af 71 år.


William H. Seward

William H. Seward blev født den 16. maj 1801 i det lille samfund i Florida, New York, sydvest for Newburgh. Hans far var en fremtrædende læge og senere dommer. Seward tog eksamen fra Union College i 1820, læste jura, blev optaget i baren og etablerede en praksis i Auburn, hans hjem resten af ​​sit liv. Seward begyndte sin politiske fremgang som en modstander af datidens fremherskende jacksoniske synspunkter-først som tilhænger af John Quincy Adams, derefter aktiv anti-Mason og senere som Whig. Han tjente i New York statsforsamling fra 1830 til 1834, og senere blev han valgt til guvernør for den første af to valgperioder i 1838. Seward var oprindeligt en tæt allieret af Thurlow Weed og en entusiastisk opbakning til Whig -støtte til interne forbedringer. Han var også tilhænger af fængsels- og uddannelsesreformer og den nye antislaveri -bevægelse. Seward undlod at vinde en tredje periode og vendte tilbage til sin advokatpraksis. I en tale i 1835 skitserede Seward sine grunde til at støtte Public Education:


Exeter Historical Society

Exeter, New Hampshire. vi bringer dens rige historie til live.

  • Få link
  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Pinterest
  • E -mail
  • Andre apps

William Seward

af Barbara Rimkunas
Denne "Historically Speaking" -kolonne dukkede op i Exeter News-Letter fredag ​​den 11. maj 2012.

I 1944 trak William Seward sig tilbage fra en lang karriere som farmaceut i Exeter. I seksoghalvtreds år drev han sit apotek på Water Street i Merrill-blokken, og det var blevet, ikke bare et sted at hente recepter, men et samlingssted for generationer af Exeter ’s unge.

Historien om Seward ’s Drugstore begynder længe før William Seward selv boede i byen. I begyndelsen af ​​1800 -tallet var der ingen apoteker eller apoteker i Exeter. Individuelle læger ville enten sammensætte deres egen medicin eller instruere patienter i, hvordan de skulle brygge dem i deres eget køkken. Selvfølgelig, da medicinsk behandling er hvad det var, læser de fleste instruktioner til patienter som denne perle fra Culpepper's Family Physician, udgivet i 1824: Afkog med vin holder længere end dem, der er lavet med vand, og hvis du tager dit afkog for at rense urinpassagen eller åbne forhindringer, er din bedste måde at lave den med hvidvin i stedet for vand, fordi dette er gennemtrængende. ”

I midten af ​​århundredet var der dog nogle lægemidler, der viste sig at faktisk behandle og lejlighedsvis helbrede sundhedsproblemer. I 1848 havde Charles Merrill, søn af hattemageren Abner Merrill, købt en dagligvarebutik sammen med sin bror. Den travleste del af butikken viste sig at være stofdisken, og brødrene besluttede at specialisere sig i den nye forretning med kun at sælge medicin. Charles studerede det nyeste inden for farmakologi og sluttede sig til American Pharmaceutical Association i 1858. Efter at hans bror gik på pension, blev Charles eneejer. Forretningen viste sig at være rentabel, og snart kunne Merrill opføre en af ​​de mest imponerende og massive butiksblokke på Water Street – Merrill Block.

Blandt de mange former for medicin og medicin, der blev solgt på Merrill ’s apotek, var en klasse af drikke, der menes at forbedre sundheden og øge energien. Selvom nogle havde et højt indhold af koffein eller, endnu værre, kokain, var smagene bitre og forbedrede med både sødning og kulsyre. Merrill installerede ligesom de fleste lægemidler på det tidspunkt et sodavandsfontæne i sin butik for at tilskynde folk til at indtage disse tilsyneladende sunde drikke.

I 1886 trak Merrill sig tilbage og solgte butikken til Edward Cram. På det tidspunkt var læskedrikkenes medicinske kvaliteter faldet i unåde – sandsynligvis fordi de var vanedannende. Brugere forsikrede nu offentligheden om, at deres sodavandskilder kun solgte sunde drikkevarer. Cram hyrede en ung William Seward til at styre butikken. Inden for syv år havde Seward sat sig igennem Massachusetts College of Pharmacy og købt sin arbejdsgiver.

I partnerskab med Albert Weeks blev butikken til Weeks & amp Seward ’s Drugstore, der kombinerede et fuldt servicepotek med et sodavand. Phillips Exeter Academy -studerende besøgte stedet, ligesom mange lokale børn, for at hænge ud og måske møde piger. Butikkens omtale i 1910 pralede, og de har et omfattende lager af lægemidler, kemikalier, proprietære lægemidler og midler, udvalgte importerede og indenlandske cigarer og tobak, toiletartikler af enhver art, lædervarer og papirvarer. Ved deres sodavand serveres lækker sodavand med ren frugtsaft og lækker is. ” Isen må have været en udfordring, da butikken ikke var tilsluttet strøm indtil 1919.

Albert Weeks trak sig tilbage i 1920'erne, men William Seward fortsatte forretningen og trivedes godt nok til at købe hele Merrill -blokken i 1927. Forbud øgede salget af sodavand, men butikken fungerede fortsat som et apotek.

I 1941 kom March of Times nyhedsrulleproduktionsselskab til Exeter for at filme New England ’s Otte Million Yankees. Filmen var et propagandastykke, der havde til formål at fremme patriotisme, når anden verdenskrig var i horisonten. Fremhævede den lille by appel i New England, blev Exeter valgt for sin maleriske hovedgade appel. Filmen, der kan ses i korte stumper på YouTube, indeholder mange af Exeter ’s lokale borger- og erhvervsledere. Chef blandt dem er 68 -årige William Seward, der viser fyldningsrecepter fra en gammel logbog. Mere end nogen læge i byen kan ” prale af fortælleren, “ han kender alle lidelser i Exeter ’s familier. ” Seward vises derefter, noget træligt, og afleverer en halvliter flaske medicin til en 10 årig dreng med instruktionerne, “Søn, du fortæller din far ikke at tage det hele på én gang, som før. Instruktionerne er på flasken. ” Den scriptede bit bringer alle slags ubehagelige spørgsmål i tankerne – som hvad der skete med patienten, da han drak hele flasken første gang og, endnu vigtigere, til moderne seere, som ville give en stor flaske medicin til et barn?

Seward trak sig tilbage i 1944 og solgte butikken til sin medarbejder, Horace Grant. På tidspunktet for hans død i 1950 forblev Seward et respekteret medlem af Exeter -samfundet. Han var medlem af ikke mindre end ni broderlige organisationer og havde fungeret som direktør for både Exeter Banking Company og Exeter Cooperative Bank. Med tre døtre var han godt udstyret, da han fungerede i bestyrelsen for Robinson Female Seminary. Men hans største service til byen var hans apotek og sodavand, der bragte utallige mennesker sammen.


Tagarkiver: William Seward

Tænk på dine forfædre! Tænk på din eftertid!

- John Quincy Adams -

Så hvad ville du gøre af følgende scenario?

I et meget ladet valgår står det republikanske parti over for et opgør på sit forestående nationale stævne. Feltet med præsidentkandidater har været stort, og ingen enkelt kandidat vil komme til stævnet med et flertal af delegerede bag sig. Kandidat A i New York er den klare frontløber, og i månedsvis har hans rang-og-fil-tilhængere betragtet ham som den formodede kandidat. Men republikanske eliter er lunkne over A. Hans ry som ekstremist giver dem pause, og på trods af begejstring fra A’s tilhængere er de bekymrede for, at A vil klare sig dårligt ved folketingsvalget. De frygter, at A ikke kan vælges, og ved at nominere ham vil de ikke kun ofre enhver chance for formandskabet, men også skade republikanske kandidater til statslige og føderale kontorer. Festens fremtid hænger i vægten.

Efterhånden som modstanden mod A bliver mere og mere åben, arbejder en "Stop A" -bevægelse hektisk bag kulisserne for at samle sig bag et enkelt alternativ. Antallet af potentielle nominerede gør dette imidlertid svært, og divisionerne i "Stop A" -bevægelsen ser ud til at være lammende. Kandidat B er en sydkonservativ med svage forbindelser til partiledere. Kandidat C er en økonomisk og social konservativ, der er steget til fremtrædende plads i Senatet, men har gjort for mange fjender undervejs. Kandidat D er en nordøstlig med tilhænger i sin egen stat, men betragtes andre steder som en korrupt opportunist. Kandidat E har ingen af ​​disse forpligtelser, men efterhånden som konventionen nærmer sig, er Midtvestern det første valg i kun en stat: hans egen.

Selvom kandidat A beordrer en betydelig flerhed af delegerede, når stævnet åbner, går kandidat E’s kampagneteam til stævnet fast besluttet på at nægte A en førsteafstemning og åbner døren for E. Uprægeligt pragmatisk, deres budskab til at delegere efter delegeret understreger hensigtsmæssighed. E kan vælges. A er ikke. E mangler A’s negative bagage og er bredt respekteret. Han er en forener, der har været omhyggelig med ikke at nedgøre de andre kandidater. E’s promotorer opfordrer A’s delegerede til at betragte E som et godt andet valg, hvis det bliver klart, at A ikke kan vinde flertal på stævnegulvet. Hvor det lover at være nyttigt, giver E’s team tyndt tilslørede tilbud om fremtidige politiske tjenester til delegationer, der er villige til at skifte deres støtte til E efter den indledende afstemning. Et betydeligt antal vaklende delegerede er endda villige til at ændre deres troskab, inden afstemningen begynder.

I sidste ende fungerer strategien. Ved den første afstemning tager A 37% af stemmerne til E’s 22% (med kandidaterne B, C og D bagefter endnu længere bagud). Men da delegater frigives fra deres første afstemningsløfte om at støtte A, skifter momentum decideret mod E på den anden afstemning, og ved den tredje afstemning hævder E nomineringen over A. E’s sejrsmargin? En barbermaskintynd 50,5% til 49,5 procent.

Så hvordan ville du vurdere resultatet af denne anfægtede konvention? Var det en retfærdighedsbrud? Et angreb på demokratiet? En "mæglet" aftale bag kulisserne, der byttede folks ønsker? Eller var det et politisk forsigtigt kompromis, der sikrede det bedste resultat realistisk tilgængeligt?

Hvis du siger, at du ikke har nok oplysninger til at besvare spørgsmålet, ville du have ret. Men når man tænker scenariet igennem, kan det være nyttigt at vide, at det ikke er hypotetisk. Det er mit bedste forsøg på at opsummere nomineringen af ​​Abraham Lincoln i 1860. Kandidaterne A, B, C og D var republikanerne William Seward, Edward Bates, Salmon Chase og Simon Cameron. Vi ved ikke, hvordan årets republikanske slugfest kommer til at spille, selvfølgelig, men indtil videre vil jeg sige, at der er nogle ret slående ligheder med den republikanske konkurrence i 1860. Og selvom Donald Trump beskedent har udråbt, at han er lige så "præsident" som Abraham Lincoln, er lige nu den person, der bedst nærmer sig den rolle, sandsynligvis John Kasich.

Abraham Lincoln tog 22% af stemmerne ved den første afstemning ved den republikanske nationale konvention i 1860.

Så hvad beviser denne analogi? Kan det hjælpe os med at forudsige, hvordan løbet om den republikanske nominering vil komme ud? Kan det lære os, hvordan det bør kom ud?

Absolut ikke. Pointen med at lytte til fortiden er ikke at få lette svar på nutidens problemer. Jeg krymper, når jeg hører nogen i offentligheden, der grådigt udtaler sig om, hvad "historien viser". Vi studerer fortiden ikke som et lagerhus af enkle lektioner, men som en hjælp til at tænke dybere, mere selvbevidst og forhåbentlig mere klogt, når vi møder fremtiden. Historien fremmer visdom, når den gør det, ved at udvide omfanget af vores erfaringer at trække på. Som C. S. Lewis udtrykte det billedligt i "Learning in Wartime", har studerende i historie levet mange gange og steder, og den større perspektivbredde hjælper os, når vi søger at tænke klogt og leve trofast i vores eget historiske øjeblik.

Jeg formoder, at meget af det populære hyperventilering om udsigten til en omtvistet republikansk konvention stammer fra den kendsgerning, at den sidste multi-afstemning af en major-partikandidat kom i 1952, før langt de fleste amerikanere blev født. Og fordi vi ikke har nogen hukommelse fra før vi blev født - kun mennesker med historisk viden kan have det - er vi sårbare over for al slags vrøvl fra dem, der ville jage vores uvidenhed.

Virkeligheden er, at den præsidentielle primære model, som vi tager for givet i dag, har været dominerende i mindre end et halvt århundrede. De tidligste præsidentkandidater blev valgt uden nogen som helst populær involvering overhovedet, håndplukket af partimøder i kongressen. Begyndende i 1830'erne (efter ledelsen af ​​en bizar koalition kendt som Anti-Masonic Party) etablerede de store partier mønsteret for valg af kandidater i partikonventioner. Og selvom nogle stater begyndte at holde præsidentpræmier allerede i 1912, så sent som i 1950'erne, tog konventionerne stadig effektivt den endelige beslutning, og det var muligt for en præsidentkandidat som Adlai Stevenson at vinde nomineringen uden at stille op i en enkelt statspræmie.

Og i modsætning til konventionerne i det sidste halve århundrede - som er omhyggeligt koreograferede, ulideligt kedelige infomercials - blev konventionerne mellem 1830'erne og 1950'erne ofte bestridt. Det var ikke kun Abraham Lincoln, der blev nomineret efter flere afstemninger.

Fremtidens præsident James K. Polk blev nomineret på den niende afstemning ved den demokratiske konvention i 1844. I 1848 blev den kommende Whig -præsident Zachary Taylor nomineret til den fjerde afstemning. Fremtidens demokratiske præsident Franklin Pierce blev nomineret ved den nittenogfyrre afstemning i 1852 (og modtog slet ingen stemmer for de første 35 afstemninger). Blandt andre fremtidige præsidenter blev James Buchanan nomineret på den syttende afstemning i 1856, Rutherford Hayes ved den syvende afstemning i 1876, James Garfield ved den seksogtredive afstemning i 1880, Benjamin Harrison ved den ottende stemmeseddel i 1888, Woodrow Wilson på den fyrre -sechste afstemning i 1912 og Warren G. Harding ved 10. afstemning i 1920. Og selvom han tabte ved folketingsvalget, overgik demokraten John W. Davis dem alle og hævdede sit partis nominering i 1924 på stemmeseddel nummer hundrede og tre !

Der var meget, der var brudt ved dette system til udvælgelse af nominerede. Politiske tilbud i ordsproglige "røgfyldte rum" var normen, og jeg anbefaler ikke, at vi vender tilbage til dem. Men disse eksempler bør give os en pause og få os til at kæmpe med nogle spørgsmål, som vi ellers ikke kunne tænke os om den aktuelle republikanske konkurrence. Hvorfor ville vi for det første antage, at en kandidat med en mangfoldighed af folkelig opbakning har tjent sit partis nominering? Er det forkert at tage spørgsmålstegn ved “electability ” ved valg af en kandidat? Hvorfor tror vi, at en omtvistet nomineringskonvention automatisk er katastrofal for det pågældende parti? Jeg har tanker om alt dette, men jeg stopper her og inviterer dig til at dele, hvad du synes.


Senere liv, arv og mindre kendte fakta

Et forsøg blev gjort på Seward ’s liv af en allieret med John Wilkes Booth samme nat som Lincoln & aposs mordet.

Seward og hustru Frances, der havde fem børn sammen og adopterede en datter, var aktive abolitionister gennem hele deres liv. Der er tegn på, at de var involveret i Underground Railroad og lånte økonomisk støtte til Frederick Douglass & aposs Nordstjernen avis i Rochester, New York. Seward støttede Harriet Tubman i køb af ejendom i hans hjemby Auburn, New York, hvor han døde den 10. oktober 1872.

Seward & aposs forvirret udseende og evigt tilstedeværende cigar kan fremkalde Columbo, men den kloge og dygtige statsmandsarv er en præstation og vision. Hans seneste biograf, Walter Stahr, forfatter til Seward: Lincoln & aposs Uundværlig mand, hævder, at Seward betragtes som en eksemplarisk udenrigsminister, kun efter John Quincy Adams.

William Seward siges at være den første New Yorker, der blev hædret med et monument i byen: En statue af Seward af Randolph Rogers, der ligger i Madison Square Park i New York City, blev indviet i 1876.


William H. Seward

William Henry Seward blev født i Florida, New York den 16. maj 1801. Han blev uddannet på Farmers ’ Hall Academy i Goshen, New York, og gik derefter på Union College, hvorfra han tog eksamen i 1920 med højeste hæder. Han studerede jura hos John Anthon i New York og hos John Duer og Ogden Hoffman i Goshen, New York og blev optaget i New York -baren i Utica, New York i 1822. Seward påbegyndte lovpraksis som juniorpartner for Elijah Miller , derefter første dommer i Cayuga County.

Seward ’s glans blev hurtigt anerkendt, og i 1830 blev han valgt til New York State Senate. På det tidspunkt udgjorde senatet en del af domstolen til korrektion af fejl, domstolen i sidste udvej, og Seward skrev jævnligt udtalelser om sager, før den f.eks. Parker v. Jackson (11 Wend. 442).

Seward blev valgt til guvernør i New York i 1838 og tjente to valgperioder (1839-1843) og blev snart anerkendt som leder af Whig-partiets anti-slaveri-fløj. Både som stats senator og som guvernør fremmede Seward progressive politiske politikker, herunder fængselsreform og øgede udgifter til uddannelse.

Tilbage til privat praksis var William Seward involveret i flere højt profilerede sager. I 1845 repræsenterede han de tiltalte i New York Tribune injuriesag, J. Fenimore Cooper v. Greeley & amp McElrath, og i 1847 påtog han sig modigt forsvaret af William Freeman, en ung sort mand, der havde tilstået tilfældigt at have myrdet en hvid familie på fire, herunder et to-årigt barn (Mennesker v. Freeman).

Seward blev valgt til det amerikanske senat i 1849 og genvalgt i 1855 og var en førende politiker mod slaveri. Han var frontløber for den republikanske præsidentnominering i 1860, men hans taler mod slaveri blev anset for for radikale til at vinde vælgerne i kritiske svingstater, og nomineringen gik til Abraham Lincoln. Den 5. marts 1861 udnævnte præsident Lincoln Seward til kontoret som udenrigsminister. Han blev fortsat i dette embede af præsident Andrew Johnson og tjente indtil 4. marts 1869.

Statue af William Seward

Som udenrigsminister forhandlede Seward Lyons-Seward-traktaten fra 1862, en international aftale om at udrydde den atlantiske slavehandel. Under borgerkrigen påtog Seward sig de vigtige opgaver for at sikre, at den britiske regering forhindrede britiske værfter i at bygge krigsskibe til konføderationen og overtale franskmændene og briterne til ikke at anerkende konfødererede stater som en selvstændig nation. I dette lykkedes Seward så godt, at han blev et mål for den sammensværgelse, der myrdede præsident Lincoln. Heldigvis overlevede Seward angrebet, men udholdt dårligt helbred resten af ​​sit liv.

Seward var fortaler for Monroe -doktrinen og havde i 1867 tilfredsheden med succesfuldt at afslutte forhandlinger med kejser Napoleon III om tilbagetrækning af franske tropper fra Mexico og med Rusland om køb af Alaska.

På trods af sit dårlige helbred tog Seward en tur rundt i verden, da han gik på pension. Han døde i Auburn den 10. oktober 1872. En storslået statue blev installeret i Madison Square Park, New York City til hans ære.

Juridisk nekrolog. ” 6 Albany Law Journal 279.

Historikerens kontor, Bureau of Public Affairs, USAs udenrigsministerium. Biografi af William Henry Seward.


Amerikansk senator [rediger | rediger kilde]

Første periode [rediger | rediger kilde]

William Seward blev svoret ind som senator fra New York den 5. marts 1849 under den korte særlige session kaldet til at bekræfte præsident Taylors kabinets nominerede. Seward blev set at have indflydelse på Taylor: udnytte et bekendtskab med Taylors bror. Seward mødtes med den tidligere general flere gange før indvielsesdagen (4. marts) og var venlig med kabinets officerer. Taylor håbede på at få Californiens optagelse i Unionen, og Seward arbejdede på at fremme sin dagsorden i Senatet. ⏄ ]


Kongressens regelmæssige session, der begyndte i december 1849, var domineret af slaveri. Senator Clay fremførte en række resolutioner, som blev kendt som kompromiset fra 1850, hvilket gav sejre til både nord og syd. Seward modsatte sig kompromisets pro-slaveri-elementer, og i en tale på senatets etage den 11. marts påberåbte 1850 sig en "højere lov end forfatningen". Talen blev genoptrykt i vid udstrækning og gjorde Seward til den førende fortaler for slaveri i senatet. ⏅ ] Præsident Taylor indtog en holdning, der var sympatisk mod nord, men hans død i juli 1850 forårsagede tiltrædelsen af ​​kompromisfyldte Fillmore og sluttede Sewards indflydelse på protektion. Kompromiset gik over, og mange Seward -tilhængere i det føderale kontor i New York blev erstattet af Fillmore -udpegede. ⏆ ]

Selvom Clay havde håbet, at kompromiset ville være en endelig løsning på spørgsmålet om slaveri, der kunne forene nationen, delte det hans Whig -parti, især da Whig National Convention fra 1852 godkendte det til vrede hos liberale nordboere som Seward. De største kandidater til præsidentnominering var præsident Fillmore, senator Daniel Webster og general Scott. Seward støttede Scott, som han håbede ligesom Harrison kunne forene nok vælgere bag en militærhelt til at vinde valget. Scott fik nominering, og Seward tog kampagne for ham. Da Whigs ikke var i stand til at forlige sig over slaveriet, mens demokraterne kunne forene sig bag kompromiset, vandt Whigs kun fire stater, og den tidligere New Hampshire -senator Franklin Pierce blev valgt til præsident. Andre begivenheder, såsom 1852 -udgivelsen af Onkel Toms hytte og nordlig vrede over håndhævelsen af ​​Fugitive Slave Act (et element i kompromiset) udvidede skellet mellem nord og syd. ⏇ ]


Sewards kone Frances var dybt engageret i den afskaffelsesbevægelse. I 1850'erne åbnede Seward -familien deres Auburn -hjem som et sikkerhedshus for flygtige slaver på Underground Railroad. Sewards hyppige rejser og politiske arbejde tyder på, at det var Frances, der spillede den mere aktive rolle i Auburn -afskaffelsesaktiviteter. I begejstringen efter redningen og sikker transport af den flygtige slave William "Jerry" Henry i Syracuse den 1. oktober 1851 skrev Frances til sin mand, "to flygtninge er gået til Canada - en af ​​dem vores bekendt John." ⏈ ] En anden gang skrev hun: "En mand ved navn William Johnson vil ansøge dig om hjælp til at købe sin datters frihed. Du vil se, at jeg har givet ham noget ved hans bog. Jeg fortalte ham, at jeg troede du ville give ham mere. " ⏉ ]


I januar 1854 præsenterede den demokratiske Illinois senator Stephen A. Douglas sin Kansas - Nebraska Bill. Dette ville give territorier mulighed for at vælge, om de vil slutte sig til Unionen som frie eller slave -stater og effektivt ophæve Missouri -kompromiset, der forbyder slaveri i nye stater nord for 36 ° 30 ′ nordlig bredde. ⏊ ] Seward var fast besluttet på at besejre det, han kaldte "denne berygtede Nebraska -regning", og arbejdede på at sikre, at den endelige version af lovforslaget ville være usmagelig for nok senatorer, nord og syd, til at besejre det. Seward talte imod lovforslaget både ved første behandling i Senatet og da lovforslaget vendte tilbage efter forsoning med huset. ⏋ ] Lovforslaget trådte i kraft, men nordboere følte, at de havde fundet en standard, som de kunne samles om. Dem i syd forsvarede den nye lov og argumenterede for, at de skulle have en lige andel gennem slaveri i de områder, deres blod og penge havde hjulpet med at sikre. ⏌ ]

Andet udtryk [rediger | rediger kilde]

Den politiske uro, der blev skabt af kløften mellem nord og syd, splittede ikke kun begge store partier, men førte til grundlæggelsen af ​​nye. The American Party (better known as the Know Nothings) contained many nativists, and pursued an anti-immigrant agenda. The Know Nothings did not publicly discuss party deliberations (thus, they knew nothing). They disliked Seward, and an uncertain number of Know Nothings sought the Whig nomination to legislative seats. Some made clear their stance by pledging to vote against Seward's re-election, but others did not. Although the Whigs won a majority in both houses of the state legislature, the extent of their support for Seward as US senator was unclear. When the election was held by the legislature in February 1855, Seward won a narrow majority in each house. The opposition was scattered, and a Know Nothing party organ denounced two dozen legislators as "traitors". ⏍ ]


The Republican Party had been founded in 1854, in reaction to the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Its anti-slavery stance was attractive to Seward, but he needed the Whig structure in New York to get re-elected. ⏎] In September 1855, the New York Whig and Republican parties held simultaneous conventions that quickly merged into one. Seward was the most prominent figure to join the new party, and was spoken of as a possible presidential candidate in 1856. Weed, however, did not feel that the new party was strong enough on a national level to secure the presidency, and advised Seward to wait until 1860. ⏏] When Seward's name was mentioned at the 1856 Republican National Convention, a huge ovation broke out. ⏐] In the 1856 presidential election, the Democratic candidate, former Pennsylvania senator James Buchanan, defeated the Republican, former California senator John C. Frémont, and the Know Nothing candidate, former president Fillmore. ⏑]


The 1856 campaign played out against the backdrop of "Bleeding Kansas", the violent efforts of pro- and anti-slavery forces to control the government in Kansas Territory and determine whether it would be admitted as a slave or free state. ⏒] This violence spilled over into the Senate chamber itself after Republican Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner delivered an incendiary speech against slavery, making personal comments against South Carolina Senator Andrew P. Butler. Sumner had read a draft of the speech to Seward, who had advised him to omit the personal references. Two days after the speech, Butler's nephew, Congressman Preston Brooks entered the chamber and beat Sumner with a cane, injuring him severely. Although some southerners feared the propaganda value of the incident in the North, most lionized Brooks as a hero. Many northerners were outraged, though some, including Seward, felt that Sumner's words against Butler had unnecessarily provoked the attack. ⏓] ⏔] Some Southern newspapers felt that the Sumner precedent might usefully be applied to Seward the Petersburg Intelligencer, a Virginia periodical, suggested that "it will be very well to give Seward a double dose at least every other day". ⏕]


In a message to Congress in December 1857, President Buchanan advocated the admission of Kansas as a slave state under the Lecompton Constitution, passed under dubious circumstances. This split the Democrats: the administration wanted Kansas admitted Senator Douglas demanded a fair ratification vote. ⏖] The Senate debated the matter through much of early 1858, though few Republicans spoke at first, content to watch the Democrats tear their party to shreds over the issue of slavery. ⏗] The issue was complicated by the Supreme Court's ruling the previous year in Dred Scott v. Sandford that neither Congress nor a local government could ban slavery in the territories. ⏘]


In a speech on March 3 in the Senate, Seward "delighted Republican ears and utterly appalled administration Democrats, especially the Southerners". ⏙] Discussing Dred Scott, Seward accused Buchanan and Chief Justice Roger B. Taney of conspiring to gain the result, and threatened to reform the courts to eliminate Southern power. ⏙] Taney later told a friend that if Seward had been elected in 1860, he would have refused to administer the oath of office. Buchanan reportedly denied the senator access to the White House. ⏚] Seward predicted slavery was doomed:

The interest of the white races demands the ultimate emancipation of all men. Whether that consummation shall be allowed to take effect, with needful and wise precautions against sudden change and disaster, or be hurried on by violence, is all that remains for you to decide. ⏛]


Southerners saw this as a threat, by the man deemed the likely Republican nominee in 1860, to force change on the South whether it liked it or not. ⏜] Statehood for Kansas failed for the time being, ⏝] but Seward's words were repeatedly cited by Southern senators as the secession crisis grew. ⏞] Nevertheless, Seward remained on excellent personal terms with individual southerners such as Mississippi's Jefferson Davis. His dinner parties, where those from both sides of the sectional divide mixed and mingled, were a Washington legend. ⏟]


With an eye to a presidential bid in 1860, Seward tried to appear a statesman who could be trusted by both North and South. ⏠] Seward did not believe the federal government could mandate emancipation but that it would develop by action of the slave states as the nation urbanized and slavery became uneconomical, as it had in New York. Southerners still believed that he was threatening the forced end of slavery. ⏡] While campaigning for Republicans in the 1858 midterm elections, Seward gave a speech at Rochester that proved divisive and quotable, alleging that the U.S. had two "antagonistic system [that] are continually coming into closer contact, and collision results. … It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become entirely either a slave-holding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation." ⏢] White southerners saw the "irrepressible conflict" speech as a declaration of war, and Seward's vehemence ultimately damaged his chances of gaining the presidential nomination. ⏣]


Ближайшие родственники

About William Henry Seward, Gov., Sen., Sec. of State

William Henry Seward, Sr. (May 16, 1801 – October 10, 1872) was the 12th Governor of New York, United States Senator and the United States Secretary of State under Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson. An outspoken opponent of the spread of slavery in the years leading up to the American Civil War, he was a dominant figure in the Republican Party in its formative years, and was widely regarded as the leading contender for the party's presidential nomination in 1860 – yet his very outspokenness may have cost him the nomination. Despite his loss, he became a loyal member of Lincoln's wartime cabinet, and played a role in preventing foreign intervention early in the war. On the night of Lincoln's assassination, he survived an attempt on his life in the conspirators' effort to decapitate the Union government.

As President Andrew Johnson's Secretary of State, he engineered the purchase of Alaska from Russia in an act that was ridiculed at the time as "Seward's Folly", but which somehow exemplified his character. His contemporary Carl Schurz described Seward as "one of those spirits who sometimes will go ahead of public opinion instead of tamely following its footprints."

Seward's most famous achievement as Secretary of State was his successful acquisition of Alaska from Russia. On March 30, 1867, he completed negotiations for the territory, which involved the purchase of 586,412 square miles (1,518,800 km²) of territory (more than twice the size of Texas) for $7,200,000, or approximately 2 cents per acre (equivalent to US$95 million in 2005). The purchase of this frontier land was alternately mocked by the public as Seward's Folly, "Seward's Icebox," and Andrew Johnson's "polar bear garden." Alaska celebrates the purchase on Seward's Day, the last Monday of March. When asked what he considered his greatest achievement as Secretary of State, Seward replied "The purchase of Alaska-but it will take the people of the United States a century before they realize it."

"As secretary of state under President Abraham Lincoln. he was alert and active, although his famous memorandum, 'Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration, April 1st, 1861' advocating immediate war with Europe as a means of unifying the nation, was reprehensible." - Myers, Children of Pride, p. 1673

Seward developed his views about slavery while still a boy. His parents, like other Hudson Valley residents of the early 1800s, owned several slaves. (Slavery was slowly abolished in New York from 1797-1827 through a gradual mandated process.) Seward recalled his preference as a child for the company and conversation of the slaves in his father’s kitchen to the 'severe decorum' in his family's front parlor. He discerned very quickly the inequality between races, writing in later years "I early came to the conclusion that something was wrong𠉪nd [that] determined me…to be an abolitionist." This belief would stay with Seward through his life and permeate his career.

William Seward was elected a U.S. Senator from New York as a Whig in 1849, and emerged as the leader of the anti-slavery "Conscience Whigs". Seward opposed the Compromise of 1850, and was thought to have encouraged Taylor in his supposed opposition. Seward believed that slavery was morally wrong, and said so many times, outraging Southerners. He acknowledged that slavery was legal under the Constitution, but denied that the Constitution recognized or protected slavery. He famously remarked in 1850 that "there is a higher law than the Constitution". He continued to argue this point of view over the next ten years. He presented himself as the leading enemy of the Slave Power – that is, the perceived conspiracy of southern slaveowners to seize the government and defeat the progress of liberty.

Seward was an opponent of the Fugitive Slave Act, and he defended runaway slaves in court. He supported personal liberty laws.

Seward was born in Florida, Orange County, New York, on May 16, 1801, one of five children of Samuel Sweezy Seward and his wife Mary Jennings Seward. Samuel Seward, described as "a prosperous, domineering doctor and businessman," was the founder of the S. S. Seward Institute, today a secondary school in the Florida Union Free School District.

Seward served as president of the S.S. Seward Institute after the death of his father, even while serving as Secretary of State during the Lincoln and Johnson administrations.

Seward studied law at Union College, graduating in 1820 with highest honors, and as a member of Phi Beta Kappa.[5] He was admitted to the New York State Bar in 1821.[6] In that same year, he met Frances Adeline Miller, a classmate of his sister Cornelia at Emma Willard's Troy Female Seminary and the daughter of Judge Elijah Miller of Auburn, New York. In 1823, he moved to Auburn where he entered into law partnership with Judge Miller, and married Frances Miller on October 20, 1824. They raised five children:

Augustus Henry Seward (1826�)

Frederick William Seward (1830�)

William Henry Seward, Jr. (1839�)

Frances Adeline "Fanny" Seward (1844�)

Olive Risley Seward (1841�), adopted

Seward entered politics with the help of his friend Thurlow Weed, whom he had met by chance after a stagecoach accident.[7] In 1830, Seward was elected to the state senate as an Anti-Masonic candidate, and served for four years. In 1834, the 33-year-old Seward was named the Whig party candidate for Governor of New York, but lost to incumbent Democrat William Marcy who won 52% of the vote to Seward's 48%.

From 1836 to 1838, Seward served as agent for the Holland Land Company in Westfield, New York, where he was successful in easing tensions between the company and local landowners. On July 16, 1837, he delivered to the students and faculty of the newly-formed Westfield Academy a Discourse on Education, in which he advocated for universal education.

In 1838, Seward again challenged Marcy, and was elected Governor of New York by a majority of 51.4% to Marcy's 48.6%. He was narrowly re-elected to a second two-year term in 1840. As a state senator and governor, Seward promoted progressive political policies including prison reform and increased spending on education. He supported state funding for schools for immigrants operated by their own clergy and taught in their native language. This support, which included Catholic parochial schools, came back to haunt him in the 1850s, when anti-Catholic feelings were high, especially among ex-Whigs in the Republican Party.

Seward developed his views about slavery while still a boy. His parents, like other Hudson Valley residents of the early 1800s, owned several slaves. (Slavery was slowly abolished in New York from 1797-1827 through a gradual mandated process.) Seward recalled his preference as a child for the company and conversation of the slaves in his father’s kitchen to the 'severe decorum' in his family's front parlor. He discerned very quickly the inequality between races, writing in later years "I early came to the conclusion that something was wrong𠉪nd [that] determined me…to be an abolitionist." This belief would stay with Seward through his life and permeate his career.

Seward’s wife Frances was deeply committed to the abolitionist movement. In the 1850s, the Seward family opened their Auburn home as a safehouse to fugitive slaves. Seward’s frequent travel and political work suggest that it was Frances who played the more active role in Auburn abolitionist activities. In the excitement following the rescue and safe transport of fugitive slave William "Jerry" Henry in Syracuse on October 1, 1851, Frances wrote to her husband, "two fugitives have gone to Canada—one of them our acquaintance John."[10] Another time she wrote, "A man by the name of William Johnson will apply to you for assistance to purchase the freedom of his daughter. You will see that I have given him something by his book. I told him I thought you would give him more."

In 1846, Seward became the center of controversy in his hometown when he defended, in separate cases, two convicts accused of murder. Henry Wyatt, a white man, was charged in the stabbing death of a fellow prison inmate William Freeman, of African American and Native American ancestry, was accused of breaking into a home and stabbing four people to death. In both cases the defendants were mentally ill and had been severely abused while in prison. Seward, having long been an advocate of prison reform and better treatment for the insane, sought to prevent both men from being executed by using a relatively new defense of insanity. In a case involving mental illness with heavy racial overtones Seward argued, "The color of the prisoner’s skin, and the form of his features, are not impressed upon the spiritual immortal mind which works beneath. In spite of human pride, he is still your brother, and mine, in form and color accepted and approved by his Father, and yours, and mine, and bears equally with us the proudest inheritance of our race—the image of our Maker. Hold him then to be a Man."[12]

Later, Seward quoted Freeman’s brother-in-law, praising his eloquence: "They have made William Freeman what he is, a brute beast they don’t make anything else of any of our people but brute beasts but when we violate their laws, then they want to punish us as if we were men." In the end both men were convicted. Although Wyatt was executed, Freeman, whose conviction was reversed on Seward's successful appeal to the New York Supreme Court, died in his cell of tuberculosis.

United States Senator and Presidential Candidate

William H. Seward (c. 1850)Seward supported the Whig candidate, General Zachary Taylor, in the presidential election of 1848. He said of Taylor, "He is the most gentle-looking and amiable of men." Taylor was a slaveholding plantation owner, but was friendly to Seward anyway.

William Seward was elected a U.S. Senator from New York as a Whig in 1849, and emerged as the leader of the anti-slavery "Conscience Whigs". Seward opposed the Compromise of 1850, and was thought to have encouraged Taylor in his supposed opposition. More recent scholarship suggests that Taylor was not under Seward's influence and would have accepted the Compromise if he had not died. Seward believed that slavery was morally wrong, and said so many times, outraging Southerners. He acknowledged that slavery was legal under the Constitution, but denied that the Constitution recognized or protected slavery. He famously remarked in 1850 that "there is a higher law than the Constitution". He continued to argue this point of view over the next ten years. He presented himself as the leading enemy of the Slave Power – that is, the perceived conspiracy of southern slaveowners to seize the government and defeat the progress of liberty.

Seward was an opponent of the Fugitive Slave Act, and he defended runaway slaves in court. He supported personal liberty laws.

In February 1855, he was re-elected as a Whig to the U.S. Senate, and joined the Republican Party when the New York Whigs merged with the Anti-Nebraskans later the same year. Seward did not seriously compete for the presidential nomination (won by John C. Frémont) in 1856, but sought and was expected to receive the nomination in 1860. In October 1858, he delivered a famous speech in which he argued that the political and economic systems of North and South were incompatible, and that, due to this "irrepressible conflict," the inevitable "collision" of the two systems would eventually result in the nation becoming "either entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation." Yet, Seward was not an abolitionist. Like Lincoln, he believed slavery could and should be extinguished by long-run historical forces rather than by coercion or war.

In 1859, confident of gaining the presidential nomination and advised by his political ally and friend Thurlow Weed that he would be better off avoiding political gatherings where his words might be misinterpreted by one faction or another, Seward left the country for an eight-month tour of Europe. During that hiatus, his lesser-known rival Abraham Lincoln worked diligently to line up support in case Seward failed to win on the first ballot. After returning to the United States, Seward gave a conciliatory, pro-Union Senate speech that reassured moderates but alienated some radical Republicans. (Observing events from Europe, Karl Marx, who was ideologically sympathetic to Frémont, contemptuously regarded Seward as a "Republican Richelieu" and the "Demosthenes of the Republican Party" who had sabotaged Frémont's presidential ambitions.) Around the same time, his friend Horace Greeley turned against him, opposing Seward on the grounds that his radical reputation made him unelectable. When Lincoln won the nomination, Seward loyally supported him and made a long speaking tour of the West in the autumn of 1860.

Abraham Lincoln appointed him Secretary of State in 1861 and he served until 1869. As Secretary of State, he argued that the United States must move westward. Proposing American possession of the Danish West Indies, Samaná, Panama, and Hawaii, only the Brook Islands were annexed. Despite a minimal degree of Congressional support however, by the end of his term, Seward had established a realm of informal influence which, nonetheless included the Hawaiian Islands, Japan, and even, China. Seward also played an integral role in resolving the Trent Affair, and in negotiating the Lyons-Seward Treaty of 1862, which set forth aggressive measures by which the United States and Great Britain agreed to end the Atlantic slave trade.

Seward's most famous achievement as Secretary of State was his successful acquisition of Alaska from Russia.

On April 14, 1865, Lewis Powell, an associate of John Wilkes Booth, attempted to assassinate Seward, the same night that Abraham Lincoln was shot. Powell gained access to Seward's home by telling a servant, William Bell, that he was delivering medicine for Seward, who was recovering from a recent carriage accident on April 5, 1865. Powell started up the stairs when then confronted by one of Seward's sons, Frederick. He told the intruder that his father was asleep and Powell began to start down the stairs, but suddenly swung around and pointed a gun at Frederick's head. After the gun jammed, Powell panicked, then repeatedly struck Frederick over the head with the pistol, leaving Frederick in critical condition on the floor.

Powell then burst into William Seward's bedroom with a knife and stabbed him several times in the face and neck. Powell also attacked and injured another son (Augustus), a soldier and nurse (Sgt. George Robinson) who had been assigned to stay with Seward, and a messenger (Emerick Hansell) who arrived just as Powell was escaping. Luckily all five men that were injured that night survived, although Seward Sr. would carry the facial scars from the attack through his remaining life. The events of that night took their toll on his wife, Frances, who died June 1865 from the stress of almost losing her husband.Then his daughter Fanny died of tuberculosis in October 1866.

Powell was captured the next day and was executed on July 7, 1865, along with David Herold, George Atzerodt, and Mary Surratt, three other conspirators in the Lincoln assassination.

Although it took Seward several months to recover from his wounds, he emerged as a major force in the administration of the new president, Andrew Johnson, frequently defending his more moderate reconciliation policies towards the South, to the point of enraging Radical Republicans who once regarded Seward as their friend but now attacked him.

In the fall of 1866, Seward joined Johnson, as well as Ulysses S. Grant and the young General George Armstrong Custer, along with several other administration figures, on the president's ill-fated "Swing Around the Circle" campaign trip.

At one point Seward became so ill on the trip, probably from cholera, that he was sent back to Washington in a special car. Both Johnson and Grant, as well as several members of the Seward family, thought the Secretary was near death. But as with his April 1865 stabbing, Seward surprised many by his rapid recovery.

Seward retired as Secretary of State after Ulysses S. Grant took office as president. During his last years, Seward traveled and wrote prolifically. Most notably, he traveled around the world in fourteen months and two days from July, 1869 to September, 1871. On October 10, 1872, Seward died in his office in his home in Auburn, New York, after having difficulty breathing. His last words were to his children saying, "Love one another." He was buried in Fort Hill Cemetery in Auburn, New York, with his wife and two children, Cornelia and Fanny. His headstone reads, "He was faithful."

His son, Frederick, edited and published his memoirs in three volumes.

In 1957, a century after the Alaska Purchase, the actor Joseph Cotten portrayed Seward in "The Freeman Story" of his NBC anthology series, The Joseph Cotten Show. Virginia Gregg played Fanny Seward. Popular actor Richard Mulligan portrayed William Seward in the 1988 Lincoln mini-series.

His Home in Auburn, New York

Seward and his family owned a home in Auburn, New York which is now a museum. The home was built in 1816 by his father-in-law Judge Elijah Miller. Seward married the Judge's daughter, Frances, in 1824 on the condition that they would live with Miller in his Auburn home. Seward made many changes to the home, adding one additions in the late 1840s and a second in 1866. When he died Seward left the home to his son William Seward Jr and then to his grandson William Henry Seward III in 1920. At Seward III's death in 1951 he willed it to become a museum and it opened to the public in 1955. Four generations of the family's artifacts are contained within the museum. The museum is open Tuesday-Saturday from 10-5. Tours begin on the hour and the last tour begins at 4. The home is located at 33 South Street Auburn, NY 13021.

The Guano Islands Act of 1856

The $50-dollar Treasury note, also called the Coin note, of the Series 1891, features a portrait of Seward on the obverse. Examples of this note are very rare and would likely sell for about $50,000.00 at auction.

His house in Auburn, New York is open as a public museum.

The house in which he lived in Westfield, New York is now home to the Chautauqua County Historical Society and a public museum.

He was a name partner of the law firm of Blatchford, Seward & Griswold, today known as Cravath, Swaine & Moore.

Was famous in his lifetime for his red hair and energetic way of walking. Henry Adams described him as "wonderfully resembling" a parrot in "manner and profile".[17]

Statue of Seward in Volunteer Park, Seattle, Washington.

Bust depicting William H. Seward in Seward, AlaskaSeward Avenue in Auburn. Also in Auburn, Frances Street, Augustus Street, and Frederick Street are named for members of his family. The four streets form a block.

Seward Elementary School in Auburn.

Seward Place in Schenectady, New York, on the west side of the Union College campus.

Seward Park in Auburn, New York.

Seward Park in the Lower East Side of Manhattan.

Seward Park in Seattle, Washington.

Seward Square park in Washington, D.C..

The Seward Peninsula in Alaska.

City of Seward, on Alaska's Kenai Peninsula

Seward, Kansas Seward, New York Seward, Nebraska and Seward, Alaska.

Seward's Success, Alaska, an unbuilt community to be enclosed by a dome.

The Seward neighborhood of Minneapolis, Minnesota

Seward Mountain (4,361 feet, 1,329 m), one of the Adirondack High Peaks, the highest point in Franklin County.

At Union College, the campus bus is known as Seward's Trolley, a pun on Seward's Folly.

Seward High School in his hometown of Florida is named for his father, Dr. Samuel Seward.

Statues of him in Seward Park in Auburn, in Madison Square Park in New York City, and in Volunteer Park in Seattle (not facing towards Alaska).

The William Henry Seward Memorial in Florida, with a bust sculpted by Daniel Chester French.

Seward Park Housing Corporation, a housing cooperative in the Lower East Side of Manhattan

Seward Mansion in Mount Olive, NJ

Frederick William Seward. Autobiography of William H. Seward from 1801 to 1834: With a memoir of his life, and selections from his letters from 1831 to 1840 (1877)

Life and Public Services of John Quincy Adams, Sixth President of the United States (1849)

Commerce in the Pacific ocean. Speech of William H. Seward, in the Senate of the United States, July 29, 1852 (1852 Digitized page images & text)

The continental rights and relations of our country. Speech of William Henry Seward, in Senate of the United States, January 26, 1853 (1853 Digitized page images & text)

The destiny of America. Speech of William H. Seward, at the dedication of Capital University, at Columbus, Ohio, September 14, 1853 (1853 Digitized page images & text)

Certificate of Exchange (1867 Digitized page images & text)

Alaska. Speech of William H. Seward at Sitka, August 12, 1869 (1869 Digitized page images & text)

The Works of William H. Seward. Edited by George E. Baker. Volume I of III (1853) online edition

The Works of William H. Seward. Edited by George E. Baker. Volume II of III (1853) online edition

The Works of William H. Seward: Vol. 5: The diplomatic history of the war for the union.. Edited by George E. Baker. Volume 5 (1890)


William Seward Burroughs

Vores redaktører vil gennemgå, hvad du har indsendt, og afgøre, om artiklen skal revideres.

William Seward Burroughs, (born January 28, 1855, Auburn, New York, U.S.—died September 15, 1898, Citronelle, Alabama), American inventor of the first recording adding machine and pioneer of its manufacture.

After a brief education, Burroughs supported himself from the age of 15. In 1880 he began working in his father’s shop in St. Louis, Missouri, constructing models for castings and working on new inventions. At that time he decided to construct a machine for solving arithmetical problems and, with financial help from an acquaintance, Thomas B. Metcalfe, completed his first calculating machine (1885), which, however, proved to be commercially impractical. But, with Metcalfe and two other St. Louis businessmen, he organized the American Arithmometer Company in 1888 after much trial and error he patented a practical model in 1892. Although the machine was a commercial success, he died before receiving much money from it. A year before his death he received the John Scott Medal of the Franklin Institute as an award for his invention. In 1905 the Burroughs Adding Machine Company was organized in Michigan as successor to the American Arithmometer Company. His grandson, American author William S. Burroughs, was named after him.

Redaktionen af ​​Encyclopaedia Britannica Denne artikel blev senest revideret og opdateret af Erik Gregersen, seniorredaktør.


10. There's a long-standing myth about Seward and the Alaska Purchase.

Atzerodt (who was also executed for his involvement with Booth's scheme) never even tried to assassinate Andrew Johnson. With Lincoln gone, Johnson became America's 17th president. Under the new administration, Seward remained Secretary of State—and it was during these years that he negotiated America's acquisition of Alaska.

In March 1867, Seward discussed the terms with Edouard de Stoeckl, Russia's Minister to the United States. By the end of the month, they'd agreed on a $7.2 million price tag—which works out to roughly two cents per acre. Not a bad deal.

Today, it's often claimed that the decision to purchase Alaska was deeply unpopular. Moreover, the American press is said to have immediately balked at Russia's multimillion-dollar fee and nicknamed the territory "Seward's Folly," or "Seward's Ice Box."

But that's a myth. According to Seward biographer Walter Stahr, most newspapers praised the decision. "[It] is of the highest importance to the whole country," declared the Daily Alta California, "… that the territory should be consolidated as soon as possible." New York Times og Chicago Tribune concurred, as did the National Republican, which called Alaska's purchase "the greatest diplomatic achievement of the age.'

Seward himself got to see the future state in all its glory during the summer of 1869. By then, he'd retired from politics altogether and dedicated his remaining years to travel and family. On October 10, 1872, he passed away in his Auburn home.


Se videoen: William Seward