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I England faldt premierminister Lord North fra magten i kølvandet på Yorktown (efterår 1781) og blev erstattet af Marquess of Rockingham, en figur dedikeret til at indgå fred med amerikanerne. Tidlige forhandlinger blev bremset af diplomatisk manøvrering, især med Storbritannien, der forsøgte at isolere amerikanske spørgsmål fra franske. Der blev indgået en aftale (Paris -traktaten) mellem England og den tidligere koloni, men implementeringen blev forsinket, indtil de andre europæiske magter kom til enighed med Storbritannien.


I skabelsesmyten, der er registreret af Harry Johnston, optræder Kintu på Ugandas sletter med en ko, som var hans eneste besiddelse, og han fodrede med mælk og komøg, inden han blev belønnet med bananer og hirse fra himmelguden, Ggulu. Inden hans møde med Ggulu møder Kintu en kvinde ved navn Nnambi og hendes søster, der var kommet fra himlen. De tager først hans elskede ko til Ggulu for at bevise hans menneskelighed og for at søge Ggulus tilladelse til at blive optaget på himlen. Når Kintu er ankommet til himlen, testes Kintus menneskelighed af Ggulu gennem fem på hinanden følgende forsøg, hver især vanskeligere og vanskeligere end den sidste. Kintu er imidlertid i stand til at komme sejrrig ud af hver retssag ved hjælp af en uidentificeret guddommelig magt. Ggulu er imponeret over Kintus vid og modstandskraft og belønner sin indsats med sin datter Nnambi og mange landbrugsgaver som medgift, der omfattede: bananer, kartofler, bønner, majs, jordnødder og en høne. Fra dette tidspunkt fik Kintu de grundlæggende materialer til at kunne skabe liv i Uganda. Men inden de forlod himlen, blev Kintu og Nnambi advaret af Ggulu om ikke at vende tilbage af en eller anden grund, da de tog deres rejse tilbage til Jorden af ​​frygt for, at Nnambis bror, Walumbe (der betyder "sygdom" og "død" i Bantu), ville følg dem tilbage til Jorden og forårsag dem store problemer. Kintu og Nnambi ignorerede Ggulus advarsel, og Kintu vendte tilbage til himlen for at hente den hirse, hønen måtte føle på mens han var på jorden, som Nnambi havde efterladt, og i sin korte tid der havde Walumbe regnet Nnambis opholdssted og overbevist Kintu om at tillade ham at leve med dem på Jorden. Da han så Walumbe ledsage Kintu på vej ned fra himlen, nægtede Nnambi først sin bror, men Walumbe overtalte hende til sidst til at tillade ham at blive hos dem. [3]

De tre bosatte sig først i Magongo i Buganda, hvor de hvilede og plantede de første afgrøder på jorden: banan, majs majs, bønner og jordnødder. I løbet af denne tid havde Kintu og Nnambi tre børn, og Walumbe insisterede på at gøre krav på et som sit eget. Kintu afviste hans anmodning og lovede ham et af hans kommende børn, men Kintu og Nnambi fortsatte med at få mange flere børn og nægtede Walumbe med hvert barn, der fik ham til at slå ud og erklære at dræbe hver eneste af Kintus børn og gøre krav på dem i det følelse. Hver dag i tre dage døde et af Kintus børn ved hænderne på Walumbe, indtil Kintu vendte tilbage til himlen og fortalte Ggulu om drabene. [4] Ggulu forventede handlingerne fra Walumbe og sendte Kayiikuuzi (der betyder "graver" i Bantu), hans søn, til Jorden for at forsøge at fange og bringe Walumbe tilbage til himlen. Kintu og Kayiikuuzi steg ned til Jorden og fik besked af Nnambi om, at nogle flere af deres børn var døde under Kintus tur til himlen. Som svar på dette opfordrede Kayiikuuzi Walumbe, og de to mødtes og kæmpede. Under kampen var Walumbe i stand til at glide væk i et hul i jorden og fortsatte med at grave dybere, da Kayiikuuzi forsøgte at hente ham. Disse gigantiske huller menes at være i nutidens Ntinda. Efter at have gravet ubarmhjertigt, træt Kayiikuuzi og tog en pause fra at jagte Walumbe. Kayiikuuzi forblev på jorden i to dage mere og beordrede tavshed blandt alle ting på jorden i løbet af denne tid (før solopgang) i et forsøg på at lokke Walumbe op af jorden. Men da Walumbe begyndte at blive nysgerrig og kom ud under jorden, opdagede nogle af Kintus børn ham og skreg ud og skræmte Walumbe tilbage i jorden. Træt og frustreret over sin spildte indsats og brudte ordrer vendte Kayiikuuzi tilbage til himlen uden at fange Walumbe, der blev på jorden og er ansvarlig for elendigheden og lidelsen for Kintus børn i dag. Kayiikuuzi jagter dog stadig Walumbe, og hver gang jordskælv og tsunamier rammer, er det Kayiikuuzi, der næsten fanger Walumbe.

I begyndelsen af ​​1900'erne blev to lignende mundtlige traditioner for Kintu -skabelsesmyten registreret og offentliggjort. En mundtlig tradition registreret af John Roscoe adskiller sig fra andre myter, idet Kintu siges at have været forført af Nnambi til at gå med hende til himlen. [5] Derudover fik han tilladelse til at gifte sig med Nnambi efter at have gennemført de forsøg, Ggulu havde pålagt ham, og vendte tilbage til Uganda med forskellige husdyr og en plantage stilk for at begynde livet på jorden. [5] Desuden var Kintu i denne version den, der forsøgte at fange Walumbe, ikke Kayiikuuzi.

Den anden mundtlige tradition registreret af Sir Apolo Kaggwa adskilte sig fra andre Kintu -skabelsesmyter ved, at den fokuserede mere på de bidrag, Kintu havde til de politiske aspekter af Buganda. Ifølge denne mundtlige tradition dannede Kintu nationens politiske og geografiske grundlag ved at sætte nationens fysiske grænser, grundlægge hovedstaden og skabe den første form for politik i Baganda -samfundet gennem kongeligt hierarki. [5]

Kintu er også til stede i Den mundtlige tradition for Baganda i Uganda. [6] Men i denne version af Kintu -skabelsesmyten lægges historiens betydning på Nambi i mytens begyndelse, det er Nambi, der forelsker sig i Kintu ved deres første møde i Baganda og overbeviser Kintu om at søge godkendelse fra sin far for at få hendes hånd i ægteskab. [6] Af denne grund blev Kintus værdighed testet af Nambis far Ggulu gennem en række forsøg i løbet af fire dage. Fra dette tidspunkt adskiller denne version af den mundtlige tradition sig fra andre ved, at Ggulu instruerede Nambi om at tage en hun og en han af hver levende ting for at begynde livet på Jorden. [6] Ggulu advarede hende også om ikke at glemme noget, mens hun pakkede, fordi hun aldrig ville være i stand til at vende tilbage til himlen i frygt for, at hendes uheldige bror Walumbe ville følge dem til Jorden og bringe strabadser over dem. [6]

Navnet Kintu, der betyder "ting" i Bantu, er almindeligt knyttet til navnet Muntu, der var den legendariske figur, der grundlagde Gisu- og Vukusu -stammerne. [2] Det menes at Kintu stammer fra øst, vest og nord og bringer de første materialer med sig til at begynde livet på jorden. Disse materialer bestod af hirse, kvæg og bananer. [2]


Indhold

Ifølge Nobels vilje skal fredsprisen tildeles den person, der i det foregående år "skal have udført det mest eller det bedste arbejde for broderskab mellem nationer, for afskaffelse eller reduktion af stående hære og for afholdelse og fremme af fred kongresser ". [8] Alfred Nobels vil endvidere præcisere, at prisen uddeles af et udvalg på fem personer valgt af det norske parlament. [9] [10]

Nobel døde i 1896, og han efterlod ikke en forklaring på, at han valgte fred som priskategori. Da han var uddannet kemiingeniør, var kategorierne for kemi og fysik oplagte valg. Begrundelsen bag fredsprisen er mindre klar. Ifølge den norske Nobelkomité påvirkede hans venskab med Bertha von Suttner, en fredsaktivist og senere modtager af prisen, hans beslutning om at inkludere fred som en kategori. [11] Nogle nobelforskere antyder, at det var Nobels måde at kompensere for udviklingen af ​​ødelæggende kræfter. Hans opfindelser omfattede dynamit og ballistit, som begge blev brugt voldsomt i hans levetid. Ballistit blev brugt i krig [12], og det irske republikanske broderskab, en irsk nationalistisk organisation, udførte dynamitangreb i 1880'erne. [13] Nobel var også medvirkende til at gøre Bofors fra en jern- og stålproducent til et våbenfirma.

Det er uklart, hvorfor Nobel ønskede, at fredsprisen skulle administreres i Norge, som blev regeret i forening med Sverige på tidspunktet for Nobels død. Det norske Nobeludvalg spekulerer i, at Nobel kan have anset Norge bedre egnet til at uddele prisen, da det ikke havde de samme militaristiske traditioner som Sverige. Det bemærker også, at det norske parlament i slutningen af ​​1800-tallet var blevet tæt involveret i den interparlamentariske unions bestræbelser på at løse konflikter gennem mægling og voldgift. [11]

Nomination Rediger

Hvert år inviterer den norske Nobelkomité specifikt kvalificerede personer til at indsende nomineringer til Nobels fredspris. [14] Vedtægterne for Nobelfonden specificerer kategorier af personer, der er berettiget til at foretage nomineringer til Nobels fredspris. [15] Disse nominerere er:

  • Medlemmer af nationale forsamlinger og regeringer og medlemmer af den interparlamentariske union
  • Medlemmer af Den Faste Voldgiftsdomstol og Den Internationale Domstol i Haag
  • Medlemmer af Institut de Droit International
  • Akademikere på professor- eller lektorniveau i historie, samfundsvidenskab, filosofi, jura og teologi, universitetsrektorer, universitetsdirektører (eller deres ækvivalenter) og direktører for fredsforsknings- og internationale anliggender, herunder bestyrelsesmedlemmer i organisationer, der har modtaget præmien
  • Nuværende og tidligere medlemmer af den norske Nobelkomité
  • Tidligere faste rådgivere for det norske Nobelinstitut

Den norske nobelkomités arbejdssprog er norsk udover norsk har udvalget traditionelt modtaget nomineringer på fransk, tysk og engelsk, men i dag indsendes de fleste nomineringer på enten norsk eller engelsk. Nomineringer skal normalt indsendes til udvalget i begyndelsen af ​​februar i tildelingsåret. Nominationer fra udvalgsmedlemmer kan indsendes frem til datoen for det første udvalgsmøde efter denne frist. [15]

I 2009 blev der modtaget rekord 205 nomineringer, [16] men rekorden blev slået igen i 2010 med 237 nomineringer i 2011, rekorden blev slået endnu en gang med 241 nomineringer. [17] Vedtægterne for Nobelfonden tillader ikke, at oplysninger om nomineringer, overvejelser eller undersøgelser vedrørende tildeling af prisen offentliggøres i mindst 50 år efter, at en pris er blevet uddelt. [18] Over tid er mange individer blevet kendt som "Nobels fredspris nominerede", men denne betegnelse har ingen officiel status, og betyder kun, at en af ​​de tusinder af kvalificerede nominatorer foreslog personens navn til overvejelse. [19] Faktisk, i 1939, modtog Adolf Hitler en satirisk nominering fra et medlem af det svenske parlament, der hånede den (alvorlige, men uden held) nominering af Neville Chamberlain. [20] Nomineringer fra 1901 til 1967 er blevet frigivet i en database. [21]

Valg Rediger

Nomineringer behandles af Nobelkomiteen på et møde, hvor der oprettes en shortlist med kandidater til yderligere gennemgang. Denne shortlist overvejes derefter af faste rådgivere til Nobelinstituttet, som består af instituttets direktør og forskningsdirektør og et lille antal norske akademikere med ekspertise inden for emner, der vedrører prisen. Rådgivere har normalt nogle måneder til at færdiggøre rapporter, som derefter overvejes af udvalget for at vælge vinderen. Udvalget søger at opnå en enstemmig beslutning, men det er ikke altid muligt. Nobelkomiteen kommer typisk til en konklusion i midten af ​​september, men lejlighedsvis er den endelige beslutning først truffet på det sidste møde før den officielle meddelelse i begyndelsen af ​​oktober. [22]

Formanden for det norske Nobeludvalg overrækker Nobels fredspris i overværelse af den norske konge hvert år den 10. december (årsdagen for Nobels død). Fredsprisen er den eneste nobelpris, der ikke uddeles i Stockholm. Nobelpristageren modtager et diplom, en medalje og et dokument, der bekræfter præmiesummen. [23] Fra og med 2019 [opdatering] var præmien 9 millioner SEK værd. Siden 1990 har Nobels fredsprisceremoni været afholdt på Oslo Rådhus.

Fra 1947 til 1989 blev Nobels fredsprisceremoni afholdt i Atrium ved Det Juridiske Fakultet ved Oslo Universitet, få hundrede meter fra Oslo Rådhus. Mellem 1905 og 1946 fandt ceremonien sted på det norske Nobelinstitut. Fra 1901 til 1904 fandt ceremonien sted i Stortinget (Parlament). [24]

Nogle kommentatorer har antydet, at Nobels fredspris er blevet tildelt på politisk motiverede måder for nyere eller umiddelbare resultater, [25] eller med det formål at opmuntre til fremtidige resultater. [25] [26] Nogle kommentatorer har foreslået, at det er uretfærdigt eller muligvis fejlagtigt at uddele en fredspris på grundlag af den ikke -kvantificerbare samtidige mening, især da mange af dommerne ikke selv kan siges at være upartiske observatører. [27] Nobels fredspris er blevet mere og mere politiseret, hvor mennesker tildeles for aspiration frem for bedrift, hvilket har gjort det muligt for prisen at blive brugt til politisk effekt, men kan forårsage perverse konsekvenser på grund af forsømmelse af eksisterende magtpolitik. [28]

I 2011 en spillehistorie i den norske avis Aftenposten hævdede, at stor kritik af prisen var, at den norske nobelkomité burde rekruttere medlemmer med faglig og international baggrund, frem for pensionerede parlamentsmedlemmer, at der er for lidt åbenhed omkring de kriterier, komitéen anvender, når de vælger en modtager af prisen og at overholdelsen af ​​Nobels vilje skulle være mere streng. I artiklen argumenterer den norske historiker Øivind Stenersen for, at Norge har været i stand til at bruge prisen som et instrument til at opbygge en nation og fremme Norges udenrigspolitik og økonomiske interesser. [29]

I et andet 2011 Aftenposten meningsartikel, barnebarn af en af ​​Nobels to brødre, Michael Nobel, kritiserede også det, han mente var politiseringen af ​​prisen, og hævdede, at Nobelkomiteen ikke altid har handlet i overensstemmelse med Nobels vilje. [30]

Kritik af individuelle konferencer Rediger

Den fælles pris, der blev givet til Lê Đức Thọ og Henry Kissinger, fik to uenige udvalgsmedlemmer til at træde tilbage. [45] Thọ nægtede at tage imod prisen med den begrundelse, at sådanne "borgerlige sentimentaliteter" ikke var noget for ham [46], og at der ikke var opnået fred i Vietnam. Kissinger donerede sine præmiepenge til velgørende formål, deltog ikke i prisoverrækkelsen og tilbød senere at returnere sin præmie medalje efter Sydvietnams fald til nordvietnamesiske styrker 18 måneder senere. [46]

I 1994 trak Kåre Kristiansen sig ud af det norske Nobeludvalg i protest over tildelingen af ​​prisen til Yasser Arafat, som han stemplede som "verdens mest fremtrædende terrorist". [47]

Bemærkelsesværdige mangler Rediger

Mahatma Gandhis udeladelse er blevet diskuteret særlig bredt, herunder i offentlige udtalelser fra forskellige medlemmer af Nobelkomiteen. [50] [51] Udvalget har bekræftet, at Gandhi blev nomineret i 1937, 1938, 1939, 1947, og endelig et par dage før hans attentat i januar 1948. [52] Undladelsen er blevet offentligt beklaget af senere medlemmer af Nobelkomiteen. [50] Geir Lundestad, sekretær for det norske Nobeludvalg i 2006 sagde: "Den største udeladelse i vores 106-årige historie er utvivlsomt, at Mahatma Gandhi aldrig modtog Nobels fredspris. Gandhi kunne undvære Nobels fredspris, om Nobeludvalget kan gøre uden Gandhi er spørgsmålet ". [53] I 1948, efter Gandhis død, afviste Nobelkomiteen at uddele en pris med den begrundelse, at "der ikke var en passende levende kandidat" det år. Senere, da Dalai Lama blev tildelt fredsprisen i 1989, sagde udvalgets formand, at dette "til dels var en hyldest til erindringen om Mahatma Gandhi". [54]

Fra november 2020 [opdatering] er fredsprisen blevet tildelt 107 personer og 28 organisationer. 17 kvinder har vundet Nobels fredspris, mere end nogen anden nobelpris. [55] Kun to modtagere har vundet flere præmier: Den Internationale Røde Kors Komité har vundet tre gange (1917, 1944 og 1963), og De Forenede Nationers Højkommissariat for Flygtninge har vundet to gange (1954 og 1981). [56] Lê Đức Thọ er den eneste person, der nægtede at modtage Nobels fredspris. [57]


James C. Juhnke og Carol M. Hunter, The Missing Peace: The Search for Nonviolent Alternatives in United States History

Den manglende fred, en undersøgelse i ét bind om amerikansk historie fra indiansk oprindelse til slutningen af ​​Den Kolde Krig, tilbyder en ambitiøs genfortolkning af både velkendte og mindre kendte begivenheder i nationens fortid. Juhnke og Hunter får læserne til at overveje arven fra voldelige historiske begivenheder og institutioner –krig og slaveri, for eksempel – samt alternativerne foreslået af fredsindede ledere undervejs. Kan det tænkes, at nationens fødsel og udvikling fra 1770’erne og fremefter kunne have fundet sted uden krig? I det nittende århundrede kunne det have været muligt for nationen at afskaffe slaveriet og sikre afroamerikanere frihed og rettigheder uden at kæmpe i borgerkrigen? Under hele arbejdet genovervejer forfatterne antagelser om voldens uundgåelighed. De foreslår fortolkninger, der både afslører arv fra vold og fremhæver bidrag fra historiske personer, der søgte forsoning og retfærdighed ved hjælp af ikke -voldelige midler.

En af forfatterne ’ spændende sætninger er, at “fred brød ud. ” Under en genopførelse af Washita -massakren i Oklahoma Territory i hundrede år tidligere forenede Cheyenne -efterkommere af de dræbte i massakren med efterkommere af Custer &# 8217'ernes syvende kavaleri. Fred brød ud, da en Cheyenne-fredschef lagde et tæppe over skuldrene på lederen af ​​den militære genopførelse, hvilket førte til en symbolsk udveksling af gaver, der betød forsoning over den århundredgamle arv af meningsløst drab. En anden af ​​Juhnke og Hunter ’s eksempler, hentet fra den tidlige nationale historie, hævder, at fred udbrød ” mellem modstandere Frankrig og USA i 1799. I den episode tog præsident John Adams, støttet af hærchef George Washington, skridt til at undgå en tilsyneladende uundgåelig krig med Frankrig om søfientligheder og ekspansionistisk rivalisering. Læsere af amerikansk historie er vant til at høre om krigsudbruddet, men sjældent om nogensinde om et udbrud af fred. Denne bog forsøger at flytte læserne ’ accept af sanktioneret vold mod en alternativ vision om fortiden.

Dette er et begrebsmæssigt ambitiøst værk. Forfatterne erkender, at de har været “ nådesløst revisionistiske ” i at dække begivenheder fra kolonitiden gennem slutningen af ​​det tyvende århundrede (s. 7). Deres tese kan overraske og irritere læsere, der er vant til at acceptere visse forestillinger om amerikansk historie, især at nationens krige har været uundgåelige. Forfatterne tilbyder en konceptuel tilgang, der prikker læserbevidsthed på tre måder. For det første kritiserer de den gentagne brug af vold ved at hævde dens arv efter eskalerende vold. For det andet indrammer de historiske begivenheder i forhold til, hvor godt disse begivenheder måles op til mål om forsoning og retfærdighed (frem for egenrådig triumf). Og for det tredje fremhæver de de historiske oplevelser fra mennesker, der arbejdede for ikke -voldelige alternativer. Kort sagt hævder forfatterne, at vi vil gentænke forestillingen om succes og genvinde den skjulte arv fra et ikke -voldeligt Amerikas 8221 (s. 13).

De fleste af bogens tretten kapitler følger en kronologisk fortælling om nationens grundlæggelse, udvikling og gradvis ændring af position i verdensanliggender. Men da forfatterne fortolker og analyserer begivenhed efter begivenhed med deres trekantede tilgang til at afsløre arv fra vold, fremhæve kampe for retfærdighed og indføre fredsskabere, kommer de med det yderligere argument om, at undervisning i historie normalt har været utilstrækkelig. I bogens forord spørger forfatterne, om amerikansk historie i virkeligheden kun er blodbad og umenneskelighed, eller er dette et problem med måden, hvorpå historie undervises og sælges? ” (s. 10). Forfatterne kommer bestemt ned på sidstnævnte side og siger, at deres formål “ er at starte processen med at frigøre amerikansk historie fra tyranni af vores voldelige fantasi. . . [gennem hvilken] forbindelsen mellem vold og frihed i amerikansk erfaring er vokset til en stærk national myte ” (s. 11-12).

Således er bogen provokerende på flere niveauer, for det kræver læsere at teste forudfattede ideer om forskellige emner mod forfatterne ’ fortolkninger af disse begivenheder. Samtidig bliver læserne tiltrukket af at overveje de måder, hvorpå de selv længe har absorberet amerikansk historie – i klasselokaler, som læsere og som deltager-borgere – i retning af, hvad Juhnke og Hunter kalder national mytologi.

Alt dette er at sige, at bogen, fascinerende som den er, ikke giver behagelig læsning. Forfatterne hævder, at de tilbyder et nyt perspektiv, der afviser den store triumfalisme i traditionel historisk fortælling, og det er de også. De argumenterer også for, at deres fortolkende linse tilbyder en mere sammenhængende vision om USA ’ fortid end radikalt New Leftist -stipendium, som ofte ikke bevæger sig ud over kritik. Juhnke og Hunter hævder at tilbyde “a perspektiv på konstruktiv ikke -vold som et alternativ til triumfalistisk nationalisme og destruktiv kulturkritik, som begge ofte antager, at vold er forløsende ” (s. 270). På trods af dette analytiske ideal er bogens forfattere imidlertid ideologisk meget tættere på Howard Zinn og andre radikale kritikere af amerikansk kultur end sentimentalistiske formidlere af fortiden.

Blandt denne bogs styrker er dens tilgængelighed for almindelige læsere, der er klar til at overveje bogens tolkningsudfordring. Den manglende fred er rettet mod universitetsniveau og generelt publikum, med diskussionsorienterede spørgsmål vævet i hele teksten. For eksempel i betragtning af indiansk historie: hvem bidrog mere til denne minoritetskulturs overlevelse gennem århundreders møder med hvide og#8211 indiske krigere eller fredsskabere og profeter? Eller, ved at studere revolutionskrigens historie: hvordan hjælper den stigende bølge af pøbelvold med at forklare forbindelser mellem krig, frihed og demokrati? Med hensyn til den afskaffelsesbevægelse, mislykkedes ikke voldelige forsøg på at modsætte sig slaveri?

Forfatterne strejfer ind i området med spekulativ historie, hvor de tilbyder “ hvilke, hvis ” scenarier som alternativer til fortiden, åbner fantasifuld tænkning. Og alligevel synes de til tider at sno sig ind i ønsketænkning. I disse tilfælde opfylder de muligheder, de præsenterer os, ikke tilstrækkeligt vores ønske om at give mening om fortiden. For eksempel beskriver forfatterne i et kapitel om første halvdel af 1800-tallet med rette krigen mod Mexico i 1846-47 som et særligt alvorligt eksempel på aggressiv national ekspansion. Som de påpeger, betragtede nogle amerikanere dengang krigen som en udvækst af idealerne om åbenbar skæbne. Men for nutidens studerende i det nittende århundredes Amerika er USA's invasion af Mexico svært at retfærdiggøre. I sammenligning med den amerikanske revolution og borgerkrigen virker krigen mod Mexico en grådig og skammelig erobring. Er en sådan vurdering realistisk og berettiget? Det er det sandsynligvis. Men forfatterne af Den manglende fredmed det formål at tilbyde en alternativ vision til amerikansk militarisme i 1840’er-stil, foreslår vi, at vi kan forestille os, at en separat nation måske er blevet til på vestkysten, og som Republikken Texas og en republik Californien måske har sluttede sig til USA i en konføderation, der var mindre afhængig af vold og ekspansionisme end den amerikanske nation ” (s. 73-74). De fleste læsere vil være hårdt pressede til at forestille sig et sådant scenario, for det ser ud til at tilbyde mere en finurlig vision end en brugbar.

Og alligevel, i balance, de mange fordele ved Den manglende fred omfatte dens realisme. Hvem kan argumentere med forestillingen om, at vold gennemsyrede det amerikanske liv i det tyvende århundrede, og at offentlig og privat fascination af voldelige billeder fortsat påvirker vores kollektive hukommelse? Hvorfor er det, at så mange amerikanere kun kan forestille sig at bekæmpe vold ved at reagere med mere vold? Og hvordan trækker vi delene af vores kulturelle, nationale og religiøse arv, der symboliserer modstand mod vold og bekræftelse af menneskelig værdi? Den manglende fred løser disse spørgsmål direkte og giver os autentiske billeder af mennesker, der længe har længtes efter fred.

Rachel Waltner Goossen
Institut for Historie
Washburn University
Topeka, Kansas


Mod en transpersonlig historie om søgen efter fred 1945-2001

Dette speciale bidrager til den intellektuelle historie i perioden 1945-2001 i den særlige henseende til søgen efter fred blandt udvalgte grupper af intellektuelle, akademikere og tænkere, under den kolde krigs epoke. Det angår sig selv med søgen efter fred i forhold til den komplekse, globale, bipolare konflikt og også mere generelt. Den undersøger denne søgning inden for 4 specifikke vidensområder, nemlig historiografi, filosofi, religionsstudier og teologi og psykologi. Specialet fremhæver også en metodisk lacuna, der opstod i løbet af forskningen. Det føltes, at en ny meta-historisk disciplin, transpersonlig historie, kunne hjælpe arbejdet med at forsøge at give mening om vores epoke og især give en nyttig historisk særlig underdisciplin, som forhåbentlig kan hjælpe med at kaste lys over årsagerne til religiøs og interkulturelle konflikter og deres mulige løsninger i post 9/11 verden.


Adgangsindstillinger

1. Rowe, John A. "Udrensningen af ​​kristne ved Mwanga's Court", JAH, 5 (1964), 68. CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. Low, D., Buganda in Modern History (London, 1971). Google Scholar Unomah, A.C. og Webster, J.B., "East Africa: The Expansion of Commerce" i Cambridge History of Africa, red. Fage, J.D. og Oliver, Roland (Cambridge, 1976), 5: 304–09. Google Scholar

3. Roscoe, John. The Buganda (New York, 1966), 460–64. Google Scholar

4. Kiwanuka, M.S.M. The Kings of Buganda, af Sir Apolo Kaggwa (Nairobi, 1971), 1-14. Google Scholar

5. Ved beskrivelsen af ​​mytens og symbolernes sted hævder Clifford Geertz, at de ikke kun giver en forklaring på den nuværende sociale virkelighed, men at de giver vejledning i at træffe beslutninger og fungerer som et socialt DNA til at overføre nutidige ideer, holdninger og praksis til den næste generation. Geertz, Clifford, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973). Google Scholar

6. Stanley, Henry M., Through the Dark Continent (2 bind: New York, 1878), 1: 330. Google Scholar


Uudnyttet potentiale: Civilsamfundet og søgen efter fred

Hassan Abdel Ati sporer historien om (hovedsageligt det nordlige) sudanesiske civilsamfund fra dets antikoloniale oprindelse, til stigningen og faldet af stærke fagforeninger, til udviklingen af ​​en mindre politisk engageret serviceorienteret sektor. Under det nuværende regime har det uafhængige civilsamfund stået over for mange trusler mod dets eksistens og har haft ringe mulighed for direkte indflydelse på fredsprocesserne, på trods af en række dokumenterede initiativer. Forfatteren diskuterer de fredsopbygningsroller, civilsamfundet kan påtage sig i perioden efter aftalen, og de udfordringer, det vil stå over for. Han opfordrer til interne reformer, et mere støttende politisk miljø og effektive, ikke-afhængige partnerskaber med internationale organisationer.

Introduktion

Indtil 1980'erne havde Sudan et relativt stærkt og veludviklet civilsamfund hovedsageligt baseret i den nordlige del af landet. Imidlertid er politisk engagerede civilsamfundsorganisationer (CSO'er) som fagforeninger i stigende grad blevet begrænset af staten eller fortrængt af nye velfærdsbaserede eller problembaserede organisationer, der tilskyndes af regimet eller af internationale udviklings- og nødhjælpsorganer. Disse nye organisationer har ikke den politiske rolle eller magt, som fagforeningerne engang havde, og deres evne til at påvirke Sudans fredsproces har været relativt svag. Sudans civilsamfundsektor står nu over for betydelige udfordringer med at opfylde en fredsopbyggende rolle i kølvandet på den omfattende fredsaftale (CPA).

Oprindelsen af ​​det moderne civilsamfund er i de semi-formelle fagforeninger og religiøse grupper i begyndelsen af ​​det 20. århundrede, og de samfund og uddannelsesorganisationer, der modstod britisk kolonistyre i nord (som blev administreret adskilt fra syd). Et eksempel er White Flag Society: brutalt undertrykt i 1924, det var et frø for de moderne politisk orienterede CSO'er, der kulminerede i dannelsen af ​​kandidaternes kongres i slutningen af ​​1930'erne. Kandidaternes kongres førte modstanden mod kolonistyret indtil uafhængighed og foranledigede fremkomsten af ​​moderne politiske partier.

Fra 1940'erne var fagforeningerne særligt indflydelsesrige i den antikoloniale kamp, ​​og efter uafhængighed førte Ibrahim Abouds militærdiktaturer til fald i 1964 (da arbejder- og landmandsforeninger var forandringens vigtigste kraft) og Jaafar Nimeiri i 1985 (da oprøret blev ledet af professionelle, bybaserede hvidbåndsforeninger, siden arbejder- og landmandsforeningerne var blevet svækket af Nimeiri-regimet). I begge tilfælde var universitetsstuderende, især Khartoum University Student Union, kritiske for at stå i spidsen for og koordinere oprøret.

Nedgangen i et uafhængigt civilsamfund

Efter 1985 vendte de politiske partier, der havde nydt godt af fagforeningernes revolutionære ånd, ryggen til fagforeningerne og udsatte derved det demokratiske styre for yderligere militærkup. En ny generation af civilsamfundsorganisationer begyndte at dukke op som reaktion på tørke, hungersnød, den store fortrængning og nød, forårsaget af fornyelsen af ​​krigen i syd, samt det store antal internationale NGO'er (INGO'er) og nødhjælpsorganisationer der ankom. This contributed to the marked increase in modern intermediary NGOs (intermediaries between donors and target groups) which directed their efforts to serving the victims of famine and war. Government inability to address the situation contributed to a short period (1985-89) of cooperation, encouragement and some state support of national voluntary organisations and the creation of a favourable environment for INGOs operating in the country. Most of these national organisations, however, were Khartoum-based, largely non-political, service-oriented and dependent on external funding from INGOs and UN agencies, a characteristic that has remained constant ever since.

Since the 1980s there has been a proliferation of NGOs in the south, which did not have the same strong civil society tradition as the north. Most of those that existed in SPLM/A-held areas were Nairobi-based, engaged in service delivery, and affiliated to the SPLM/A (with a few notable exceptions such as the Southern Sudan Law Society). The development of CSOs in southern Sudan was a response to the presence of aid agencies, driven by the requirement of INGOs to work with local CSOs.

Following the 1989 coup, the new regime dissolved all political parties and trade unions and NGOs were required to re-register on new conditions that prohibited political engagement. The coordinating agency for voluntary work, later named the Humanitarian Affairs Council (HAC), was transformed into a security organ, imposing heavy restrictions on NGOs. The government prohibited NGO engagement in political issues like human and civil rights and governance, restricting their activities to service delivery. Yet the National Islamic Front (NIF), which was behind the new regime, had been one of the first political parties to invest in and work through civil society for its own ends. It had started by winning control of student unions in schools and universities and gradually infiltrated certain trade unions and created a base in the army. In power, it replaced freely-formed unions with organs associated with the one-party system, and interfered directly in selecting the leadership of independent organisations ranging from sporting clubs to the Sudanese Red Crescent Committee. Its strategy was to pre-empt the functions of existing independent organisations, supplanting them with its own bodies. Several 'Islamic' organisations were formed, supported by the state and primarily funded from the Gulf. Sudan's support to Saddam Hussein in the Gulf war halted most of the funding from the Gulf states and only the strongest and heavily state-supported survived, such as the Zubeir Charity Foundation and el-Shaheed. But given the utility of CSOs as a vehicle for receiving donor money, the number of registered organisations shot up again as Sudan's international isolation began to recede after 2002, most of them nonetheless still linked to the state and the ruling party.

In the 1990s, as well as trying to restrict an independent civil society sector, the government succeeded in transferring its social and economic responsibility for groups such as displaced persons, children and the urban poor to national and international NGOs. Amidst Sudan's isolation, the consequences of natural disaster, growing violent conflict and the short-term negative impact of economic liberalisation policies, NGOs were left to address the gap left by the 10-year ban on political parties and the weakness of state governments. Meanwhile their agenda was being reshaped by increased interaction with international organisations, precipitating new visions and methods of civic action, and the spread of new development concepts like grassroots empowerment, participation and peacebuilding.

Civil society and the pursuit of peace

In the absence of legitimate trade unions and political parties, CSOs have long been active in trying to promote a peaceful settlement to the conflict in southern Sudan.

Little space was given to CSOs in formal peace initiatives, though it should be remembered that the first significant high-level talks involving the SPLM/A, the Koka Dam talks in 1986, were rooted in an initiative by University of Khartoum staff associations and trade union associations, who started the initial talks in Ambao. In more recent years CSOs have found ways to contribute to the broader peacemaking process through public lectures, workshops, newspaper articles and training sessions on peace. Fuelled by the prevalent war fatigue, the initiatives included, among others, Sudan First Forum, Nadwat al-Ameed (Ahfad), Women's Peace Network Initiative, the Group of 10, the el-Sheikh el-Gaali Initiative, and the Sudanese Initiative to Resolve Sudan's Governance Crisis. The latter, a proposal for a comprehensive settlement to Sudanese conflicts made by a number of civil society groups in 2000, was based on the conviction that cultural diversity can form a strong basis for national unity and tackling root causes like unbalanced development, the absence of political participation and representation, and inequalities in the distribution of wealth. Peace organisations like the Sudanese Women's Peace Network and the National Civic Forum were among the first to establish direct contact with CSOs in the SPLM/A-held areas and in the diaspora. Many received external support, for example through Justice Africa's Civic Project, the Dutch government, the Heinrich Böll Foundation, the Friedrich Ebert Foundation or the United Nations Development Programme.

Civil society influence on the Naivasha process that led to the CPA was ultimately very limited. Like the northern opposition political parties, civil society was marginalised, perceived by the government as backing SPLM/A positions on the main stumbling blocks in the negotiations: religion and the state, wealth redistribution, democratic transformation and accountability. Moreover, the other Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) countries shared similar views to Sudan on the roles and rights of civil society, whose engagement in briefings and informal sessions was only made possible after the wider international community became involved. Various civil society meetings and fora created for civil society actors, such as the series of meetings convened by Justice Africa in Kampala from 1999, were to a significant extent a response to the exclusion of civil society groups from the peace talks.

Peacebuilding challenges

Following the CPA and subsequent peace agreements, civil society's immediate challenges lie in peacebuilding and democratic transformation. Meeting immediate needs must be balanced with engaging in structural change and long-term programming. CSOs can bridge the gap between what the Sudanese people want, and what the negotiating parties and the international community perceived they wanted.

Many Sudanese have yet to see a peace dividend. CSOs can contribute in many ways by:

  • encouraging dialogue and promoting peaceful coexistence and cooperation between ethnic and religious groups
  • promoting civic education, democratic values and a culture of peace and human rights at the community level
  • assisting community planning and drawing attention to local, national and international problems
  • promoting regional and local development and more equal distribution of wealth and opportunities between regions and social groups
  • promoting transparency and accountability, and monitoring the use of rehabilitation and reconstruction resources
  • providing education on the environment, resource use and management, and promoting economic alternatives to reduce the pressure on resources and the likelihood of conflict
  • reducing pressure on resources though direct service provision (water, medical and veterinary) to returnees and war-affected communities.

CSOs represent the main national forces working with communities to counter the impacts of war, mismanagement of resources and poor policies. Their resources for peacebuilding include external links and extensive experience in negotiation over the last two decades, which have enabled them to survive in a hostile environment. Yet CSOs in Sudan are faced with challenges relating to government restrictions, internal failings and external conditionalities.

The government continues to try to curtail the independence of CSOs. It uses its own parallel organisations to undermine existing CSOs, especially those working on rights issues, swamping meetings held in the presence of international or UN representatives. New legal restrictions on CSOs include the Organisation of Humanitarian and Voluntary Work Act (2006), which requires Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs approval of all CSO proposals before they are submitted to donors. The Ministry can also ban any person from voluntary work.

Economic deterioration, debt, political instability and ongoing conflict contribute to diverting CSOs' efforts towards addressing symptoms rather than causes, at the expense of influencing policy and legislation. CSOs lack a long-term strategic vision for their programmes and the in-depth research needed to guide their plans and priorities. The work is reactive and vulnerable to external influence by the state or donors: the regime has sought to divert civil society attention from important issues such as human rights violations in southern Sudan and Darfur, while oil production and revenues form a 'no-go area' for CSO activity.

The dependence on foreign funding and a lack of specialisation among CSOs has undermined the formation of effective networks, making them competitive rather than cooperative. Donor conditionality is sometimes imposed at the expense of local priorities. Stereotyped and mostly imported methods have been adopted for example, credit and women's empowerment programmes are common throughout Sudan but rarely adapted to its varying local contexts. As a result, large segments of civil society, such as Sufi sects and tribal associations, are not well integrated into the civil society sector, notwithstanding some emerging interchange between tribal-level organisations and NGOs in local peacebuilding initiatives.

If the peacebuilding potential of CSOs to be realised, a more effective civil society sector needs to be created that holds sufficient power to provide checks and balances to the executive. The government should legislate to support CSOs – or at least create a more supportive environment for them. CSOs need to improve their coordination and cooperation, building new alliances free of political polarisation and dependency. They will need to build their capacity to generate accurate information upon which proper long-term planning of interventions can be made. For this they must link better with research institutions and persuade donors to finance research and surveys.

Experience from other countries shows that, to immunise itself from the state's pre-emptive and restrictive measures, civil society needs self-discipline, ethical codes and an internal commitment to the values of democracy, transparency and accountability it preaches. This will help international donors identify genuine partners. Effective, non-dependent partnerships with international organisations, the private sector and the state should be based on mutual trust and shared experience, not just financial support.


“In international relations, the great feature of the growth of the last century has been the gradual recognition of the fact that instead of its being normally to the interest of each nation to see another depressed, it is normally to the interest of each nation to see the others elevated.” So argued a Nobel Prize-winning president at an international meeting called to deal with a growing environmental crisis.

After calling upon those gathered to closely cooperate for the common good of all, he concluded: “I believe that the movement that you this day initiate is one of the utmost importance to this hemisphere and may become of the utmost importance to the world at large.”

These words were uttered 100 years before President Barack Obama went to Copenhagen to attend the climate-change meetings. Their source? Theodore Roosevelt.

Roosevelt was the keynote speaker at the 1909 North American Conservation conference, the first international conference on conservation policy. From the dais, he challenged his audience to think about the global threat posed by the too-rapid consumption of natural resources.

President Roosevelt and Gifford Pinchot on the Inland Waterways trip in 1907. The Inland Waterways trip was one of several efforts by the president and Pinchot to generate media attention for the cause of conservation.

This conference succeeded in focusing attention on the need for conserving timber, coal and water resources in North America, and the president was eager to expand this concept to the world, committing the U.S. to supporting a world conservation conference to be held in the Netherlands in September 1909. Thirty nations had already accepted invitations to attend when Roosevelt’s successor, William Howard Taft, canceled it.

The driving force behind the White House’s commitment to international cooperation was Gifford Pinchot, the first chief of the U.S. Forest Service and an enormous influence on the first Roosevelt’s conservation policies. After studying forestry in Europe in the early 1890s, Pinchot briefly served as George Vanderbilt’s forester at the Biltmore Estate in Asheville, where he demonstrated how judicious logging could rehabilitate the land at a time when loggers (and tax laws) favored clear-cutting forests and moving on to the next patch of land.

At the same time, Roosevelt was a rising star in New York’s political scene who had witnessed the damage loggers and farmers had done in the Northeast as well as in the Dakota Territory and much of the West. He shared Pinchot’s concern for the future of America’s natural resources.

The two first began working to change the physical as well as the political landscape when Roosevelt became governor of New York in 1898. When Roosevelt took over the presidency in 1901, he immediately embraced Pinchot’s plans for saving the public lands, and together they introduced conservation to the nation.

After the cancellation of the world conference in 1909, for the next 30 years Pinchot carried the idea for a world conservation conference to every president until the second President Roosevelt – Franklin – backed the idea. Pinchot had been talking with FDR about the need for such an international conference when war broke out in Europe in 1939. That’s when Pinchot began arguing that conservation was the only route to a “permanent” peace.

Although war had long been “an instrument of national policy for the safeguarding of natural resources or for securing them from other nations,” Pinchot argued in Natur (1940), this need not be the inevitable fate of human society: “International cooperation in conserving, utilizing, and distributing natural resources to the mutual advantage of all nations might well remove one of the most dangerous of all obstacles to a just and permanent world peace.”

Five years later, when the U.S. dropped atomic bombs on Japan, Pinchot – nearly 80 years old – expanded his thinking to consider atomic energy as another natural resource to be included in his peace plan. If he was able to think beyond the immediate ravages of war, what is hindering us – in this much-more peaceful age – from acting to save the world?

Pinchot’s world conference plan eventually resulted in the 1949 U.N. Scientific Conference on the Conservation and Utilization of Resources. It was held at the dawn of the Cold War (and three years after Pinchot’s death). Conference attendees focused on how “the earth’s resources and the ingenuity of man can provide an almost unlimited potential for improved living standards for the world’s population” – the critical application of science to the pursuit of global peace. It was what Pinchot had envisioned and what should have been a goal for last month’s conference in Copenhagen – and afterward.

Obama apparently agrees. His acceptance speech for the Nobel Peace Prize echoed Pinchot’s assertion of the pressing need to build a just and lasting peace. Obama declared: “[As a result of climate change], we will face more drought, more famine, more mass displacement – all of which will fuel more conflict for decades. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and environmental activists who call for swift and forceful action – it’s military leaders in my own country and others who understand our common security hangs in the balance.”

Pinchot was well aware of the precarious balance that conservationists must maintain as they fight to preserve natural resources and the human communities that depend on them. And he would remind us that any resolutions that come from the Copenhagen meetings are but first steps toward a long-delayed discussion about our global responsibilities. As Pinchot wrote in 1940, “The conservation of natural resources and fair access to needed raw materials are steps toward the common good to which all nations must in principle agree.”

Let’s hope that the president and other Copenhagen delegates remain as steadfast in their commitment to meet the common threat that potential climate changes pose for us all.


The Search for Peace in the Arab-Israeli Conflict

Finding the way to peace in the Middle East continues to be one of the great challenges of international diplomacy. The Search for Peace in the Arab-Israeli Conflict is a comprehensive volume of all relevant documents on the Arab-Israeli conflict over the past century.

Amid a growing documentary literature on this topic, this book is unique for its holistic and multidimensional lens. It offers annotated peace agreements peace proposals and relevant Israeli, Palestinian, regional, and UN documents since the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916. It also presents an account of key moments in the recent history of the Middle East peace process and includes a set of newly commissioned maps by the former chief cartographer at the United Nations.

The book demonstrates that many brave attempts have been made to bring peace to this troubled region. It will also serve as a useful record and reference tool for students, analysts, policymakers, and negotiators seeking to learn from and draw on the experiences of the past, in the hopes of finding a conclusive peace agreement that will close the book on the oldest and most complicated conflict in the Middle East.

The Search for Peace in the Arab-Israeli Conflict is a project of the International Peace Institute, published by Oxford University Press.

Introduktion
I. Peace Agreements and the Disengagement from Gaza
II. Peace Proposals and Ideas
III. UN Documents on the Question of Palestine
IV. Regional Documents
V. Israeli and Palestinian Domestic Documents


Doing History, Doing Peace? Contested History, the Work of Historians and the Search for Reconciliation in the Balkans

Dato: Monday, February 23, 2009 / Tid: 5:00am - 7:00am

How can contesting visions of the past, as well as efforts to instrumentalize history for nationalistic purposes, be addressed in the interests of socio-political reconciliation? What role can scholars play in this process, and what are the dangers and opportunities in bringing together historians from opposing sides of a conflict offer for those seeking to promote peace and dialogue?

Through the support of a grant from USIP, a group of Serbian and non-Serbian scholars from across Europe and North America came together in dialogue to examine key documentary evidence about the underlying causes and tragic course of the Yugoslav catastrophe.

The major goals of the project included forging permanent links among these scholars employing shared research methods to resolve key controversies that have erected barriers to mutual understanding and transmitting the work of the dialogue to the public sphere. One of the outcomes of this effort is the edited volume in English and Serbo-Croatian, Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars' Initiative, co-edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert.

Charles Ingrao will discuss the challenges of the project and its outcomes. Dr. Watenpaugh will contrast the role of history and historians in reconciliation in the context of the Middle East, including Armenia-Turkey disputes over history. Dr. Cole will consider recent projects convening international historians in order to de-nationalize history and make it a tool for communication rather than hostility.

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    Ancestry.com
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              • Consists of State Department telegrams and White House backchannel messages between U.S. ambassadors in Saigon and White House national security advisers, talking points for meetings with South Vietnamese officials, intelligence reports, drafts of peace agreements, and military status reports.
              • These generals’ reports of service represent an attempt by the Adjutant General’s Office (AGO) to obtain more complete records of the service of the various Union generals serving in the Civil War. In 1864, the Adjutant General requested that each such general submit "…a succinct account of your military history…since March 4th, 1861."
              • The rosters, which are part of the Records of the War Relocation Authority, consist of alphabetical lists of evacuees resident at the relocation centers during the period of their existence. The lists typically provide the following information about the individual evacuees: name, family number, sex, date of birth, marital status, citizenship status, alien registration number, method of original entry into center (from an assembly center, other institution, Hawaii, another relocation center, birth, or other), date of entry, pre-evacuation address, center address, type of final departure (indefinite leave, internment, repatriation, segregation, relocation, or death), date of departure, and final destination.
              • Primarily Department of State cables and CIA intelligence information cables concerning South and North Vietnam. Topics include the Vietnam War, U.S.-South Vietnam relations, South Vietnam’s political climate, opposition groups, religious sects, ethnic groups, labor unions, corruption, press censorship, the North Vietnam’s military and economy, peace negotiations, and events in Cambodia and Laos.
              • There is essential and unique documentation on a wide variety of topics relating to Japanese internal affairs, including national preparedness, militarism, Sino-Japanese war and the home front, and much more.
              • This publication comprises two collections related to Holocaust Era Assets. The first includes Records Regarding Bank Investigations and Records Relating to Interrogations of Nazi Financiers, from the records of the Office of the Finance Division and Finance Advisor in the Office of Military Government, U.S. Zone(Germany) (OMGUS), during the period 1945-1949. The second comprises Records Regarding Intelligence and Financial Investigations, 1945-1949, from the Records of the Financial Intelligence Group, Office of the Finance Adviser. These collections consist of memorandums, letters, cables, balance sheets, reports, exhibits, newspaper clippings, and civil censorship intercepts.
              • This publication consists of documents of an administratively-sensitive nature, arranged according to subject from President Nixon’s Special Files collection, comprising the Confidential and Subject Files. These documents provide an in-depth look into the activities of the President, his closest advisors, and the administration.
              • This collection provides researchers with the opportunity to explore a unique period in China’s struggle toward a modern existence through the International Settlement in Shanghai.
              • The records in this collection relate to political relations between China and Japan for the period 1930-1939. The records are mostly instructions to and despatches from diplomatic and consular officials the despatches are often accompanied by enclosures.
              • This collection reproduces the six principal Military Intelligence Division (MID) files relating exclusively to China for the period 1918 to 1941 (general conditions, political conditions, economic conditions, army, navy, and aeronautics). Also includes documents created by other U.S. Government agencies and foreign governments from the records of the MID.
              • This collection contains materials related to the diplomatic and military response by the United States (as part of a multi-national force) to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on August 2, 1990.
              • It was within the context of evidence collection that the War Crimes Branch received copies of documents known as "SAFEHAVEN Reports." In order to coordinate research and intelligence-sharing regarding SAFEHAVEN-related topics, the War Crimes Branch received SAFEHAVEN reports from various agencies of the U.S. Government, as well as SAFEHAVEN-related military attaché reports, regarding the clandestine transfer of German assets outside of Germany that could be used to rebuild the German war machine or the Nazi party after the war, as well as art looting and other acts that elicited the interest of Allied intelligence agencies during the war.
              • The U.S. State Department’s Office of Chinese Affairs, charged with operational control of American policy toward China, amassed information on virtually all aspects of life there immediately before, during, and after the revolution. Declassified by the State Department, the Records of the Office of Chinese Affairs, 1945-1955, provide valuable insight into numerous domestic issues in Communist and Nationalist China, U.S. containment policy as it was extended to Asia, and Sino-American relations during the post-war period.
              • This publication consists of studies, analyses, testimony, talking points and news clippings which detail the origins of the S&L crisis and outlined solutions to the growing crisis in the late 1980s and early 1990s. In essence, this publication provides an analysis of the causes and political perspectives on the Savings and Loan Crisis.
              • The Subject Files from the Office of the Director, U.S. Operations Missions, document the myriad concerns and rationales that went into the control and direction of U.S. economic and technical assistance programs, as well as the coordination of mutual security activities, with respect to Vietnam.
              • This collection consists of the letters received by and letters sent to the War Department, including correspondence from Indian superintendents and agents, factors of trading posts, Territorial and State governors, military commanders, Indians, missionaries, treaty and other commissioners, Treasury Department officials, and persons having commercial dealings with the War Department, and other public and private individuals.
              • This digital collection reviews U.S.-China relations in the post-Cold War Era, and analyzes the significance of the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations, China’s human rights issues, and resumption of World Bank loans to China in July 1990.
              • This collection contains Bush Presidential Records from a variety of White House offices. These files consist of letters of correspondence, memoranda, coversheets, notes, distribution lists, newspaper articles, informational papers, published articles, and reports from the public, the Congress, Bush administration officials, and other various federal agencies primarily regarding American Middle East peace policy and the United States’ role in the many facets of the Middle East peace process.
              • This collection contains documents from Record Group 472, Records of the United States Forces in Southeast Asia, 1950-1975, Records of the Military Assistance Advisory Group Vietnam, 1950-1964, Adjutant General Division.
              • This collection identifies the key issues, individuals, and events in the history of U.S.-Southeast Asia relations between 1944 and 1958, and places them in the context of the complex and dynamic regional strategic, political, and economic processes that have fashioned the American role in Southeast Asia.
              • The program of technical cooperation in Iraq, prior to the Revolution of 1958, was frequently cited as an example of the ideal Point Four program. The overthrow of the established government led naturally to questions concerning the "failure" of American technical assistance in that country. This collection comprises, in its entirety, the Primary Source Media microfilm collection entitled Records of U.S. Foreign Assistance Agencies, 1948-1961: U.S. Operations Mission in Iraq, 1950-1958.
              • The Axis occupation of Greece during World War II began in April 1941 after the German and Italian invasion of Greece was carried out together with Bulgarian forces. The occupation lasted until the German withdrawal from the mainland in October 1944. This collection comprises, in their entirety, the Scholarly Resources microfilm collections entitled Records of the Department of State Relating to Internal Affairs, Greece, 1940-1944 and Records of the Department of State Relating to Internal Affairs, Greece, 1945-1949.
              • Comprehensive index to nearly 12 million biographical sketches in more than 2700 volumes.
              • Provides online access to over 500,000 pages of previously classified government documents covering major international events from the Cold War to the Vietnam War and beyond.

              America: History & Life
              This database offers access to:

              • Complete bibliographic reference to the history of the United States and Canada from prehistory to the present.
              • 490,000 bibliographic entries for periodicals dating back to 1954.
              • Over 2,000 journals published worldwide.
              • Produced by ABC-CLIO.
              • Also includes access to ebooks history collection of thousands of titles on all aspects of US and world history.
              • Click on subscription access link to browse the database.

              Digital National Security Archive
              The Digital National Security Archive contains 38 collections consisting of over 94,000 declassified government documents totaling more than 650,000 total pages.


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